Start of the political and economic fall of John Epee Mandengue , Cameroon's ephemeral Abrahamovitch

Others were: Hafia FC, Conakry of Guinea, Ashanti Kumasi FC of Kumasi, Ghana, Royal Armed Forces FC of Rabat, Morocco, Al Ahly Sporting FC of Cairo Egypt, Al Hilal FC of Khartoum, Sudan, the Dragons FC of Congo and Tout Puissance Mazambe of Lubumbashi, Democratic Republic of the Congo. The 60s, 70s and 80, were the glorious periods of Cameroonian club football and also that of Union of Douala FC. I have met John Epee Mandengue a couple of times and in one of our meetings, I interviewed him. That interview was done with Enow Chris Oben. Mr Enow Chris Oben was a senior journalist and former head of the provincial service of the Cameroon Radio and Television Corporation (CRTV) located in the town of Buea. Buea is the provincial capital of the coastal Anglophone region of Cameroon otherwise known as the South west province. The said interview was meant to be used on my Saturday morning current affair programme that was broadcast on CRTV Douala. The name of the programme as already mentioned was: Issues of Our Times. The same interview was also meant to be broadcast on a Sunday morning network political programme called: Cameroon Calling (CC). Cameroon Calling, is the flagship Anglophone political programme on Radio Cameroon and it is broadcast every Sunday morning from headquarters of the broadcasting House in Yaoundé. After our hour long interview with Mr Mandengue, we had a lengthy conversation. I understood and concluded that day that, he was ultra ambitious. He was interested in everything. From his covetous eyes, and the way he spoke with us, which was full of confidence with a fine lining of arrogance, I sensed that, he was secretly laying claim or planning to get the post of president of the republic.

His other humble desires were to head Cameroon Airlines, become the lord mayor or Government Delegate of the Greater Douala city council and also Prime minister. I knew that, his political ambitions will collide with those of his friends, who were supporting him in his xenophobic press business and also economically. I also knew that, he did not know Cameroon so well, especially the French-speaking Cameroonians that he was despising. Notwithstanding the low esteem that John Epee Mandengue had toward French-speaking Cameroonians, they were still his circumstantial friends, at least in politics and also in business. In 1996, John Epee Mandengue became by some miracle, the Chairman of the Deido based Foot Ball Club, Leopard FC. This club was formerly run by Thomas Tobbo Eyoum MP, a businessman who was the owner of an Insurance company called Province Reunie. Thomas Tobbo Eyoum MP was a politician, carrying the membership card of the ruling CPDM party. He was also a conditional friend of John Epee Mandengue. But when Thomas was the chair of Leopard Football Club of Deido, Leopard FC was a club that was perennially languishing at the bottom of the Cameroonian division one or premier league. Leopard FC‘s performances were so dreadfully poor that, she even had to drop into the soccer purgatory of division two of the Cameroonian football league. However any football team that has a chair with deep pockets as that of John Epee Mandengue and who was also a good manager, the positive transformational power of such a club is immediate. And it was the case with Leopard Football Club under the management of John Epee Mandengue. Leopard FC of Deido, Douala suddenly rose from her division two provincial league of the Littoral province to National Division one and even lifted the Cup of Cameroon. And the feat of John Epee Mandengue ignited not only admirers but critics and rivalries within ruling party members from Douala. Thomas and John were friends and both had many things in common, amongst which were their business and political brilliance. Both also had attitudes that were on the periphery of roguishness.

Historic football clubs of the city of Douala, Cameroon

It is rumoured that, the Bassas ran away not because of the military superiority of the Doualas, but more because the latter, were dirty and accompanying them were many Europeans. Late El Hadj Amadou Ahidjo and his party, Cameroon Union (UC), which later became known as Cameroon National Union (CNU) was given political power in French-speaking Cameroon in 1958 by the French. And coming back to football clubs, in short, Dynamos FC of Douala is a club for the Bassas and in the past, amongst the conditions needed in order to be accepted to play for the club, it was mandatory for the aspiring player to be an ethnic Bassa. There was a second hidden condition needed to play for Dynamos of Douala. Parents of aspiring players must have been members of the UPC party. Her year of glory was in 1979 when she won the Cup of Cameroon against the favourite and highly fancied Public Works Department (PWD) of Bamenda. Public Works Department (PWD) of Bamenda social club, was a club from Anglophone Cameroon, which was also the embryonic national football team of British Southern Cameroon’s, if they were, granted full-fledged independence by the British and not the funny brand of independence via unification that they were accorded in 1961. And finally, the fourth football team of the city of Douala is Union Football Club of Douala aka Nassara sportive.

Whatever Nassara stands for or mean, I don’t know. Only founders and supporters of the club can explain. But one thing is certain, Union Football Club of Douala, is a club promoted by none natives and in chief, ethnic Bamilekes from the West province. Her base is also the New-Bell neighbourhood, which is a neighbourhood that has a mosaic of natives and none natives: Bassas, Nigerians (Igbos, Yorubas and Nigerian Efiks), Malians, Mauritanians, Senegalese , people from the Greater northern province of Cameroon, who are generally referred to in Cameroon as Hausa and of course many Bamilekes live in New Bell. Union Douala was one of the top Cameroonian clubs. Their only rivals were Canon Sportive Football Club aka Kapkom of the Nkolondongo neighbourhood in Yaoundé and Tonnerre Kalara Football Club of the Mvog-Ada neighbourhood of Yaoundé. At Continental level, Union Douala was also one of greatest African Football clubs. She competed with prestigious African football clubs such as Bendal Insurance and Enugu Rangers, respectively from the cities of Benin and Enugu in Nigeria. Others were: Hafia FC, Conakry of Guinea, Ashanti Kumasi FC of Kumasi, Ghana, Royal Armed Forces FC of Rabat, Morocco, Al Ahly Sporting FC of Cairo Egypt, Al Hilal FC of Khartoum, Sudan, the Dragons FC of Congo and Tout Puissance Mazambe of Lubumbashi, Democratic Republic of the Congo. The 60s, 70s and 80, were the glorious periods of Cameroonian club football and also that of Union of Douala.

Football clubs of Douala and the triple hats of John Epee Mandengue

John Epee Mandengue had three hats. He was in the insurance business, then he became a newspaper proprietor (Elimbi newspaper) and finally, he became the philanthropic boss of a tribal based football club called Leopard Football Club of Douala. Leopard Football Club of Douala was not the only tribal oriented club in the city. Within the city of Douala, there are four football teams, built along national or tribal lines. There are: Oryx Football Club, based in Bonaberi, which was at the pinnacle of Cameroonian and African club football in the 60s and even won the first continental club trophy in 1968. Oryx Football Club of Bonaberi was created by and for natives of Bonaberi neighbourhood. Bonaberi neighbourhood, is connected to Douala proper by a bridge called the Wouri Bridge, but some it the Bonaberi Bridge. The second most popular tribal club in the city is that created by the people or natives of the Akwa neighbourhood. The Akwa based club is called Caiman Football Club aka caiman a six heure. She is now playing in division two and occasionally comes to division one, or MTN Elite 1, which is the equivalent of the English premier league. But Caiman Football Club has lost her gusto of the 50’s, 60s and early 70s. The third club of the city is Dynamo Football Club of Douala aka Botafogo.

She is based in a neighbourhood called Nkongmondo or New rail in English. Nkongmondo is a slum caught between the posh neighbourhood of Bonapriso and the seedy neighbourhood of New-bell. She is inhabited by ethnic Bassas, who are presently considered as none natives, because they are either from the Sanaga Maritime, Nkam and Nyong and Nkelle divisions. Most came there some 1 hundred years ago as labourers, brought by the Germans to construct the railroads of East Cameroon, while the most recent group came in the 40s, 50s ,60s and 70s. They were resettled there by the French colonial government and also by the Ahidjo government, especially, during the war of independence in French-speaking Cameroon, which was led by the Union of the Population of Cameroon (UPC) against the French and also against the regime of late El Hadj Amadou Ahidjo. Mr Ahidjo was the first president of French-speaking Republic of Cameroon and also the first president of unified English and French Cameroons. One other thing with the Bassas is that, although some of them are now living on the fringes of the city of Douala, they were the original inhabitants of the city. But they fled the coast and went into the forest, when the Doualas came from the Congo after the implosion of the Congo Empire. The Doualas, who now claims to be the aboriginals of the economic capital of Cameroon, did first settle on along the banks of the River Wouri, before spreading to other pasts of the coast of both English and French Cameroons.

Names of those in the unholy alliance to promote tribal xenophobia and the propagations of falsehoods in Cameroons

One such frightful things or information that Elimbi newspaper fed coastal people with was that, Bamilekes or people from the grasslands of Cameroons, procreated faster than pigs. And Elimbi newspaper also added that, the procreation of the people from the grasslands regions of Cameroons was politically motivated. According to the scandal sheet, grass field people procreated with the simple strategy to occupy and control the lands of natives or nationals of the coastal regions and in particular the city of Douala. Such nauseating message had a formidable negative impact on the psyche of natives of the coastal regions, who were not only poor in comparison to their compatriots from the grass field, they also seem to have discovered courtesy Elimbi newspaper, that, they were out numbered in their own regions by Bamilekes or people from the grass field regions of both Cameroons. John Epee Mandengue was not alone in propagating the ethno-regionalist xenophobia of the ruling CPDM party. He was supported in his dirty campaign to promote tribal xenophobia and the propagations of falsehoods or false claims by some top flight natives or nationals of the city of Douala, namely: Honourable Thomas Tobbo Eyoum MP, former Lord Mayor of the Greater Douala city council, Mrs Armand Din Bell MP and head of the women’s wing of the Wouri section of the ruling CPDM party and Mr Laurent Esso, former minister of foreign affairs.

Besides claiming that, Bamilekes or people of the grass field regions of Cameroons procreated like pigs, Elimbi newspaper also sprouted from their brains, that was fertile with hate and conspiracy theories, the idea that, that the hardworking Bamilekes and other ethnic groups belonging to the grass field regions of Cameroon, were planning to extend their economic hegemony into the political field. Hence, they encouraged coastal people of both Anglophone and Francophone Cameroons, not to support the SDF. According to the hate ideologues and genocide mongers, the SDF was in reality, a cover of an imaginary Anglo-Bamileke plot to rule Cameroons economically and politically. The supports that, John Epee Mandengue had from government ministers who were natives of the coastal regions of Cameroons and beyond, and also the supports that he received from members of the ruling Cameroon’s People Democratic Movement (CPDM), was and is still an evidence that, Paul Biya supported the tribal xenophobic movements’ en vogue in the mid 1990s in Cameroon and still going. Paul Biya’s actions are also another testimony that, he was also planning Rwandan style genocide in Cameroon, if the victory of John Fru Ndi, the opposition leader in the 1992 elections was confirmed.

Elimbi newspaper, Cameroon's first openly ethno-regionalist supremacist newspaper

The mid 90s was the period, when the Cameroon government was not hiding her admiration for the genocidal regime in Rwanda and at the same time, similar tribal militia groups were germinating in Cameroon. Esingan was one of such diabolic hate groups. Esingan was a pro-government tribal militia group, headed by Professor Joseph Owona. She was created and sponsored by the regime and its sponsors and ideologues did not hide the fact that, they had order containers full with machetes for their militia, in preparation of the final day, when they will decide to exterminate the Anglo-Bamileke axis in Cameroon. Even though John Epee Mandengue was aware of the macabre preparation of the ruling party that he was member, and also that, if the genocidal plans of his friends started, he won’t be spared, he decided nonetheless to jump into the fray of hate mongers with the zeal of a new convert. John Epee Mandengue in a bid to show that he was neck deep in support of Paul Biya, started via his newspaper to express the xenophobic tribal views of the regime to a point that, it is claimed that, he even once bragged that, within his news paper, a non ethnic SAWA won’t have a place. The SAWAS are the name of natives or nationals of the coastal regions of both Anglophone and Francophone Cameroons. But it is in fact, a generic name that is full of confusion. At one point it was considered or marketed by the government as an engine or sense of belongingness of coastal people.

But on other the other hand, the Sawa movement was a vector of divisions hatched out by the ethno-regionalists and supremacists elements within the government of Paul Biya. Ironically, the editor of the English version of Elimbi newspaper was not an ethnic SAWA. He was called Hilary Kebila Fokum, an English-speaking Cameroonian from the north of Anglophone Cameroon otherwise known as the North West province. Why did John Epee Mandengue handover the post of editor of his Newspaper to Mr Fokum? Perhaps he over looked the national or tribal belonging of Mr Fokum, because he was an Anglophone and it is well known in Cameroon that, Anglophones seem to be less incline to tribal subjectivity as Francophones are. It might also be that, because, he (Fokum) even though, he was an Anglophone from the North West province, he was nonetheless, a native of Bali and Balis, are known to have an ancestral condescension for ethnic Mettas. For the Balis do consider the Mettas as their slaves and since the opposition was led by an ethnic Metta, it was best to bring at the helm of an ethno-regionalist supremacist newspaper, a man with supercilious views toward other nationals or tribes of the country. The aim of such a strategy was to destroy and also defame the opposition and its leader, John Fru Ndi. I also think that, John Epee Mandengue did not even think of both details latter mentioned. What was what was important to John Epee Mandengue was that, his editor was Anglophone.

As for the French version, if he had on hand, an Anglophone who was bilingual and who also accepted to handle the post of editor of French version, he would have preferred an Anglophone. But above else, what motivated John Mandengue was his desire to make monies in Cameroon. Hence he was zealous and in his zeal, he felt, he was shielded from suspicions or he won’t generate any apprehensions amongst the ideologues of the Biya regime who were mostly ethnic Betis from the South province. The post of editor of the French version of Elimbi newspaper was the only managerial post in John Epee Mandengue’s business empire that was handled by a French-speaking Cameroonian. And to measure the mixture of condescension and cynicism that he harboured, he usually said: he gave the post of editor of the French version of his paper to a French-speaking Cameroonian because they a stupid fight dogs with no clear loyalty but are loyal to money and desire to keep their power and privileges. However, I can’t help repeating hereon that, Elimbi newspaper which means Drum in English was a paper that propagated national or tribal hatred. It propagated all sorts of prejudice and falsehood against the Bamilekes.

Paul Biya and his admiration of the former genocidal regime in Rwanda

The numbers or population of none natives has never been a problem in the coastal parts of Anglophone Cameroon and even in Francophone Cameroon. But there have always been some inherent conflicts. And the cause has almost always been a mixture of envy and jealousy. The envy and jealousy were/are sparked because of the economic superiority of natives of the grass lands of both English and French Cameroons, who are considered as none natives in coastal regions of both Anglophone and Francophone Cameroons. But the Biya government, in a bid to preserve its political power, decided in the mid 1990s, to use the simmering conflicts in coastal regions of Cameroon, which pitted natives against none natives, as his weapon of massive division. He encouraged natives through rogue politicians and subservient traditional chiefs to attack and expel none natives from their lands and homes, because, none natives, especially those from the grass field regions were not supporting his rule. One of the infamous Anglophone native of the South province, who supported openly the ethno-regionalist xenophobia of the Biya regime, was Peter Oben Ashu, the former Governor of the South West province.

It was at the height of state sponsored ethno-regional xenophobia, whose ideologues were elites of the former Hutu regime of late General Hybiarimana, who had fled Rwanda, when the Rwandan Patriotic Front(RPF) of Paul Kagame, took power, that John Epee Mandengue, choose to launch his incandesce newspaper, called Elimbi . As for Paul Biya and some ideologues of his regime, such as Martin Belinga Eboutou and Professor Joseph Owona, they had an open admiration for the regime of late General Juvenile Hybiarimana, in spite the atrocities they had caused, in particular by sponsoring and fuelling the Rwandan genocide. It is the love and respect that Paul Biya and his regime had for what late General Hybiarimana did, that encouraged them to give refugee to all architects of the 1994 genocide in Rwanda. Paul Biya also acted the way he did or is still doing, under the treacherous claims that, the Hutu regime in Rwanda were Bantus and French-speakers who were victims of the machinations of ethnic Neolithic Tutsis, who were worst, English-speakers. Paul Biya’s act to host with impunity architects of the 1994 horror of Rwanda was a characteristic Bantu solidarity, which other ethnic Bantu leaders in the sub region also shamefully demonstrated. One of the big name of the Hutu Power or the ideological think tank of the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, who found refugee in Cameroon, was Colonel Theoneste Bagosora.

Paul Biya, great sponsor of Ethno-regional xenophobia in Cameroon

The targets were the Anglophone/Bamileke axis. John Epee Mandengue saw the rot of the system and wanted to exploit it to his advantage, hence he launched his tabloid called Elimbi. And Elimbi newspaper was the first openly hate propagating instrument, treacherously presented as a newspaper. It was built along the moulds of the outrageous Radio des Mille Collin of Rwanda. Radio des mille Collin, was the Radio station that encouraged the massacres of Tutsis and moderate Hutus in 1994. I have met John Epee Mandengue a number of times and I can write here on that, he never shared the views that his paper circulated. But he was a cynical opportunist, who will not hesitate to kill even his own mother in a bid to obtain what he wanted. In Cameroon, he was very convinced that, since the Biya government was ready to massacre ethnic Bamilekes and also Anglophones, in order to preserve his political power, he wanted to use the opportunity to reach his own political goal.


His paper called Elimbi, had the best paid journalists in the very difficult financial situation of the independent private Press in Cameroon. In the beginning, Elimbi was only a monolingual (French) newspaper. But since the xenophobic views of the government was also appealing to some pro-government elites of the coastal parts of Anglophone Cameroon, known as the South west province, Elimbi newspaper went bilingual (English and French). The mid 90s was a period when, the government tried to revive the ancestral links of the linguistic and culturally divided people of the coastal regions of the French and English-speaking regions of Cameroon. This cynical stratagem was not meant forge national unity. It was meant to elevate a defensive barrier that will protect the regime in both regions. For in both regions, the regime of Paul Biya was vulnerable to the popularity of the opposition, in particular the popularity of the Social Democratic Front (SDF) led by John Fru Ndi. The government succeeded in the French-speaking coastal region and beyond to create and revive ancestral hatred. But in Anglophone Cameroon, the government succeeded to sow the seeds of discords, but with some difficulties. The example of the glaring success of the diabolic scheme of the regime in the English-speaking region was that, for the first time, and that was in the 90s, conflicts between natives and none natives became rampant. And focus of attack were people from both English and French-speaking grass-field regions of Cameroons.

His Royal Highness Chief Gustave Essaka Ekwalla and John Epee Mandengue

Some have claimed that, it was the paramount chief of Deido who persuaded John Epee Mandengue to establish himself within his chiefdom. But it appears as though John Epee Mandengue did not choose to construct a house within the Deido neighbourhood because of the persuasions of His Royal Highness Chief Gustave Essaka Ekwalla, the traditional leader of Deido natives and Deido neighbourhood. Why would chief Ekwalla have persuaded John Epee Mandengue to come and stay in Deido? It was because of three things, that is, if he ever did: the first reason could have been that, there is an ancestral links that bounds the Mungo people of Anglophone Cameroon and those of Bonaberi and Deido and second, there is also an ancestral love and admiration of native of Douala, for anything English or English-speaking. The anglophile nature of Douala people might have been sparked by the fact that, it was the English who first sign a treaty with Douala chiefs, before the Germans overtook them and Alfred Saker, the English Protestant evangeliser, was the one who brought the Christian Protestant faith in Cameroon. Alfred Saker was also the one who translated the bible from English to Pidgin English and then into the Douala language. And finally, what might have also made Chief Gustave to persuade John to settle in his chiefdom was his wealth. For John Epee Mandengue’s presence, at least demonstrated that, he (chief Ekwalla) a promoter of tribal xenophobia and supporter of the ruling CPDM party, had a native who was rich.

Chief Gustave Essaka Ekwalla could now challenge none natives wealthy business men and women within his chiefdom, who were almost always from the French or English-speaking grass field regions of Cameroon and whose loyalty to the ruling party was not assured. As John Epee Mandengue settled in Douala at the Deido neighbourhood, he started attending meetings of the natives of Douala, who were in support of the ruling party and the head of state Paul Biya. It was also at a time when the opposition Social Democratic Front (SDF), dominated by English-speaking Cameroonians, had strong support and sympathies from natives of the French-speaking grass field region of West province, other wise referred to ethnically as Bamilekes. The Littoral province in general and Douala in particular was largely in support of the opposition. This was not because of the sympathies and ties that exist between the Anglophones, who were and are still the arch rivals of the regime and natives of the West province, who are French-speaking and who also control the economy of the country and are the dominant ethnic group in Douala, but more because, Biya’s rule has ruined the country. Fearing to loose power, Paul Biya hatched out a tribalo-regionalist policy that sparked tribal and ethno-regional xenophobia.

Niat Njifenji Marcel and shrewd John Epee Mandengue

Mr Niat Njifenji Marcel was a native of the French-speaking Cameroonian grass field region of the West province. He was even accused by the regime of Paul Biya in 1984, to have supported a failed coup attempt, led in majority by members of the Cameroonians Armed Forces who were from the majority Muslim Greater North province. How he absolved himself from such accusation, while a majority of suspects, numbering about 4 thousand men, women and their children were slaughtered by the Biya regime, has remain a mystery. Another surprise remains that, in spited that Mr Niat Njifenji Marcel was suspected by the Biya regime of having sided with coup plotters, he was given the headship of the utility SONEL, a strategic government company. Back to John Epee Mandengue, with all the lucrative contracts that he secured with two important companies of Cameroon, courtesy strategies or connections already mentioned, he became rich and he also developed the appetite for politics that he had in Nigeria but was barred by his wife. But before anything, it must be noted and pointed out that, John Epee Mandengue was a brilliant manager.

Another thing worth pointing out is that, all his directors were Anglophone Cameroonians or were from Anglophone African countries. The head of the Broking Services International agency of the city of Douala was a Ghanaian. The practice by which successful English-speaking Cameroonians, in business or in politics, only trusted people who were from English-speaking Cameroon and the English-speaking world to handle their strategic operations, was another proof that, Cameroon’s song linguistic unity was a farce. Both Cameroonian linguistic communities did not only mistrust or suspected each other; they also mutually despised each other. And John was not different from most English-speaking Cameroonian. He never trusted any French-speaking Cameroonians and he also thought that, English-speaking Cameroonians were more intelligent than French-speaking Cameroonians. Concerning John’s new love, which was politics, he showed once again that, he was shrewd. Instead of building a house in his native Mongo village, located in the Tiko sub division of the South west province, he decided to erect a mansion in the heart of the Deido neighbourhood in Douala.

Home coming of John Epee Mandengue and how he won contracts for Broking Services International

Mandengue’s return to Cameroon was done with a lot of precautions, for like any other English-speaking Cameroonian, who had left the unified Cameroons for reasons earlier explained; he had strong mistrust for anything French-speaking. He opened his Broking Service subsidiary in Cameroon, but decided to locate the headquarters of Cameroonian business in Victoria (Limbe) and his core business remained in Lagos, Nigeria. The first and legal wife of John Epee Mandengue refused to follow him, when he decided to relocate to Cameroon. But while in Cameroon, Mandengue forgot to heed to the warning of his wife, who had forewarned him to steer clear from Cameroonian or Nigerian politics. While she never wanted to travel to Cameroon with her husband, she had nonetheless informed him that, he was in Cameroon only for business and not for politics.

But John Epee Mandengue ignored the warnings of his wife and above all, forgot that in the Yoruba tradition, where in women wield a lot of power, their premonitions are always very good and also important to respect their advice and words of caution. For whenever venture a woman cast her doubts on, in most cases, it is almost always certain that, it will fail. Women seem to have been gifted by God with a unique quality of clairvoyance. For example, it is claimed that, late Abiola’s wife, late Kudirate, had discouraged her husband from taking part into politics. And it was Abiola’s involvement into politics the primary cause of his premature death and sadly, also that of his wife. While John Epee Mandengue was in Cameroon, he never obeyed the warnings of his wife, he jump straight into politics. He opened as already mentioned a subsidiary of Broking Services International in Cameroon but was headquartered in Victoria and had an agency in Douala, the commercial capital of Cameroon. With the aid of his cousin Peter Mafany Musonge, who was the former Managing Director of Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC) and also former Prime minister, Broking Services International won contracts to insure staff of (CDC), the second employer in Cameroon after the state. CDC employs at least 13 thousand workers. And still with the influence of Peter Mafany Musonge, Broking Services International won contracts to insure a section of staff and materials of the National Electricity Corporation, known in its French acronym as SONEL . At that time, the Managing Director of the state own utility was late Niat Njifenji Marcel.

The secret pact between Aurelian William Eteki Mboumoua and John Epee Mandengue

Why did some Nigerian politicians, especially those from the north in 1983, decided to trust Mandengue than their fellow Keith and kin, such as the Ibos or the Yorubas? It is claimed that, both Nigerian nationals /tribes are too untrustworthy or are considered by northern Nigerians to be untrustworthy. Hence, there was no way fleeing northern Nigerian politicians could have handed to Ibo or Yoruba businessmen, the colossal sums that they gave to John Epee Mandengue to keep, for it would have been synonymous to giving meat to dogs to keep. As late Nded’a Kombe Francis told me, when the storm ended or to be precise, when the military regime of General Buhari was overthrown and replaced by the corruption-friendly regime of General Badamassi Babaginda, those politicians and businessmen, predominantly of northern Nigerian extraction, who escaped in 1983 because of the ferocious fight against corruption launched by General Buhari, started trickling back home to Nigeria and they rewarded John Mandengue Epee handsomely. It was from the reward that John Epee Mandengue received from Nigerian politicians for laundering their money, which made his insignificant broking company to become Broking Services International. It expanded out Nigeria and had offices in Nigeria and a branch in Ghana. As John Epee Mandengue became rich and prominent, he began making friends with other African politicians and diplomats. One of his most prominent black West Africa friends was Mr Aurelian William Eteki Mboumoua, who was Cameroon’s flamboyant minister of foreign affairs.

Who brought them into contact? I can’t recall late Nded’a Kombe Francis ever telling me the name of the one who broker their friendship. But both men became too close to a point that, John used to pay the rents of Cameroonians missions in Lagos and Calabar and also paid the staff that ran both diplomatic missions. John Epee Mandengue’s services rendered to the state of Cameroon were not for philanthropic or patriotic purposes. Even though John made advance payment for the rents of Cameroon’s diplomatic missions in Lagos and Calabar and also paid staff working in both missions, but via Mr Aurelian William Eteki Mboumoua, minister of foreign affairs, the government of Cameroon paid him back, twice the official amounts he (John) had spent and the excess payments, which was disbursed by the state of Cameroon, was shared between him (John) and Mr Eteki Mboumoua. I suspect, it was the capacity of Cameroon’s former foreign minister to run huge sum of monies and apparently gave no account to the government of Cameroon, which excited John Mandengue’s desire to come and invest in a country that he was despising and never considered actually as his. But when that idea came into his mind, he told his wife and his daughter, who is studying in the US, who was once Miss Black America, they discouraged him, especially when, he floated the idea that, when he goes back to Cameroon, he will get into politics, in order to make quick and big monies.

How John Epee Mandengue made fortune in Nigeria

But he (Mandengue) preferred to entertain personal and business relationships with Muslim politicians and Army Generals from Northern Nigeria. This alone shows how intelligent and forthright Mandengue was and in 1983, when the democratically elected government of Mr Shagari was overthrown by General Mohamadou Buhari, he was compensated by some Northern politicians and dignitaries. How, it was simply because, it was through Mr John Epee Mandengue’s broking firm called Broking Service International that embezzled funds was expatriated out of the country .However, some corrupt Nigerian politician kept their lots at home in Nigeria by using John Mandengue as cover, especially at the height of the fight against corruption and the war against indiscipline, launched by the head of the junta commandeered by Generals Mohamadou and late Tunde. These two Nigerian military leaders, besides late General Rahamat Muritala Mohammed, are touted as the best leaders Nigeria has ever had, since her independence form the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland in 1960. Why? It is alleged that, they were honest and thus fought against corruption, indiscipline and all sort dishonesty without discrimination. It might explain why, they were overthrown in 1985, by the corrupt duo of Generals Badamassi Babaginda and late Sani Abacha. And when the transition government set by Babaginda failed, late General Abacha overthrew Chief Ernest Shonekon, head of interim government of to become president.

Corruption was rift under the civilian regime of Shehu Othman Shagari, his finance minister Omarou Dicko, is even claimed to have declared that, Nigeria had no problem of money but her only problem was how to use her huge cash. It was therefore because of the flagrant mismanaged in Nigeria at that time, which forced the military to intervene in order to redress the abominable injustices that corruption creates. Most Nigerian politicians escaped to the United Kingdom and other Western countries when General Buhari came to power in 1983. Those who could not escape before the dragnet of the fight against corrupt was cast, were arrested in Lagos and in other major Nigerian cities and regions. The only way those suspected of being member of the strong and close knitted corrupt syndicate of Nigerian politicians and businessmen and women could escape arrest was to justify their source or sources of wealth. Since most could not, they found themselves in jail and even late Abiola had problems with the Nigerian military junta led by General Mohamadou Buhari. Some northern Nigerian businessmen and politicians fearing arrest had only one entity to direct their ill gotten wealth to safety. The safety was John Mandengue Epee, for he was a sure alternative to evade arrest, especially that, he was honest, hard working and above all, had a finance company that dissimulate ill got funds with ease.

History has vindicated those who were against unification

Perhaps some Southern Cameroonian politicians, especially those in support of unification were afraid that, if the information that, Southern Cameroonians had the possibility to swap nationality was made known, there would have been a massive depopulation of Southern Cameroon’s, hence they decided to hide or keep the information. Some Southern Cameroonian politicians did use the same tactics of being economical with information, when they were negotiating unification terms with French-speaking Cameroonian leaders. And such selfish attitude is one of the reasons why Anglophones are suffering in the union today. It is clear that most Southern Cameroonians would have opted either for Nigerian or British nationalities had they known such option existed. The reason why most Southern Cameroonians would have opted either for Nigerian or British nationalities was because, they knew that, even though French and English-speaking Cameroonians were ethnically closer, they were nevertheless, fundamentally different.

And as such, unification between former British and former French administered Cameroons could not work. History has vindicated those who were against unification. When Mandengue left his native Southern Cameroon’s, he settled in Lagos, Nigeria, where he got married to his first wife, who was a native of Lagos and belonging to one of the noble families of the commercial nerve centre of Nigeria. In Nigeria, Mandengue was at home and began several business ventures and with the assistant of his wife, whose family was well connected to the political and top military class and through those connections, he succeeded to create several friendships with the rich and powerful of Nigeria. One of the best friends of John Epee Mandengue was Mr Omarou Dicko, a northern Hausa/Fuluni politician, who became Minister of Finance under the government of President Shehu Othman Shagari. Mandengue had the chance to grow or develop a strong relationship with the late Nigerian business Mongol turn politician Moshood Kashimawa Olawolle Abiola, generally referred to as MKO, who was a native of Abeokuta and above all a Yoruba, even though a Muslim.

Southern Cameroonians had the possiblity to swap nationality

Nded’a Kombe Francis made the declarations because, he knew John Epee Mandengue very well. And he also confirmed claims made by John Epee Mandengue that, he had some blood links or parentage with the natives of Deido, a neighbourhood in Douala. Nded’a Kombe Francis also confirmed that, John Epee Mandengue was the cousin of the former Prime minister of Cameroon Mr Peter Mafany Musonge. How? Even though the people of Mungo, Mesellele, Mondoni and Tiko were Anglophones, they shared the same culture and at times spoke the same language albeit with some variations with people of French-speaking Cameroonian of some regions of the Littoral province. Hence there was an early and easy mixture of natives of Tiko sub division in Anglophone South west province and those of Dibombari and Bonaberi sub divisions and beyond in the French-speaking Littoral province. While Dibombari and Bonaberi sub divisions were located in the Littoral province, the first was administratively in the Mungo division, while the second was administratively attached to the Wouri division. This so because, Cameroon’s regional administration is made thus: sub district, district, sub division, division and crowning all is the province. And Cameroon is divided into 10 provinces that have at its head, a governor. Governors are appointed by the head of state and they have under their authority: sub district, district, and sub divisional and divisional officers. John Epee Mandengue, like most English-speaking Cameroonian nationalists, left British administered Southern Cameroon’s after the February 11th 1961 plebiscite.

For the February 11th 1961 plebiscite paved the way for Northern British Cameroon’s integration with Northern Nigeria in October 1st 1961, while British Southern Cameroon’s opted for unification with the independent French-speaking Republic of Cameroon and it gave naissance to the Federal Republic of Cameroon on the 1st of October 1961. English-speaking Cameroonians had before mid night October 1st 1961 had the possibility to opt either for Nigerian nationality or British or become de facto Cameroonians, after October 1st 1961 that is, if there were on the territory or were abroad. Like Mandengue, there are many English-speaking Cameroonians on the territory who opted for the Nigerian nationality, while some who were studying abroad especially in the UK also did the same or opted for British nationality. While these options existed for the people of both North and Southern British administered Cameroon’s, only those who were educated and had or were aware such information used it. The information that Southern Cameroonians could swap nationality was not made public, for if were, a greater number of Northern and in particular Southern Cameroonians, would have opted either for Nigerian or British nationalities. Perhaps the British and some English-speaking Cameroonian politicians, who were in support of unification with French-speaking Cameroon, knew about the options to swap nationalities put on the table for the former subjects of the British crown, but pro-unification politicians decided to hide the information.

John Epee Mandengue

My journalistic period in Cameroon permitted me to know many people, especially politicians and businessmen. But two colourful personalities struck me and they have hunted my consciousness. They were: Dr Moise Albert Njambe, with whom I developed acquaintance and I later on, became the pioneer head of Communications of his NGO called SOS Dialogue, while the second was Mr John Epee Mandengue, an English-speaking Cameroonian businessman and controversial ruling party politicians. As I left CRTV Douala and went home, some two months later, I began working with a Tabloid called Elimbi or Drum, in English. I was serving as the head of the English desk. But by the time I came to handle the English desk, Elimbi had lost her zest. Elimbi was, I must confess, perhaps the most amazing tissue that specialised in propagating tribal hatred and prejudice in Cameroon that was presented to the public as a newspaper. It proprietor was John Epee Mandengue, who had left the country and went back to Nigeria by the time I came to head the English desk. Mr Mandengue was a businessman and an opportunist. He came to Cameroon at period when the tribal-government of Paul Biya, feared that, they might lose political power, decided stimulate regional and tribal rivalries. That was in the early 90s and a period when the opposition was strong and united and spearheaded by the SDF and backed by a majority of Cameroonians especially those from the West province and the two English-speaking provinces.

And Mr Mandengue who is an English-speaking Cameroonian from the coastal part of Anglophone Cameroon otherwise known as South west province, a seasoned opportunists, jumped into fray with the zeal of a newcomer. He created the Elimbi newspaper whose objective was to promote ethnic xenophobia and his target were French-speaking Cameroonians from the grass field region of the West province, otherwise known as the Bamilekes. While Mandengue’s obsessions via his newspaper were the Bamilekes, the government and the ruling party that, he became a circumstantial member and zealous supporters, did not make such distinctions. They (government) had their own home-grown axis of evil; it was the Anglo-Bami axis. For the tribal government of Cameroon led by Paul Biya felt that, those who posed real threats to his desire for everlasting ruler-ship were English-speaking Cameroonians and their allies from the West province. The government was glad to have Elimbi, as a newspaper, that was the voice of devilish secret plans of a system, which was bracing to ethnically cleanse a section of its citizens.

Who was John Epee Mandengue? John Epee Mandengue is the first son in a family of eight children and he was also the most successful. He was around his late 40s. He is the cousin of the former Prime minister of Cameroon, Peter Mafany Musonge, who is a native of Buea, the provincial capital of the South west province and also former capital of German administered Cameroon and former capital of British administered Southern Cameroon’s. Mr Mandengue also claims to be a native of Deido, a neighbourhood of Douala. John, like his biblical namesake, is fanatical, in all what he does and he is also very ambitious. However, John Epee Mandengue is also very numinous and wavy concerning is exact origin. He spoke three languages fluently: Douala, English and Yoruba. According to late Nded’a Kombe Francis, an Anglophone from Tiko sub division and a native of the village of Mungo, John Epee Mandengue is bona fide native of English-speaking Cameroon. Mungo village is the last village on the coastal part of Anglophone Cameroon’s coastal province of the South west that, is divided from the coastal province of French-speaking Cameroon known as the Littoral by a river called river Mungo

Questions on why I left CRTV

Some of the questions that I did pose to myself in order to understand why Nyoh Moses could have taken the decision he took , were these: Is/was it true that Mr Mellone Mbe Francis, the provincial head of National Security of the Littoral province, rang Nyoh Moses to ask him to stop the claimed seditious programme? Or was it a ploy from Nyoh Moses to get rid of me, after he too could not help me to obtain a permanent contract with CRTV, as he had promised? Nyoh Moses instead made Mr Chechuma Mbanglah, a print journalist, who was working for the English department of the Roman Catholic daily, L’Effort Camerounais and who was from the same region as him to get a permanent job at CRTV. But the interview that, I realised with Dr Alexander Taku, was over 6 minutes long and after editing, it was just a minute and fifteen seconds, that was allowed to be broadcast. Hence it is strange how a tape that, had not even finished 50 seconds of broadcast, could have sparked Mr Mellone Mbe Francis; the head of National Security of the Littoral province to panic to the point of ring Nyoh Moses and ordering him to stop the programme. Mr Mellone Mbe Francis is an English-speaking Cameroonian, with the rank of Divisional Police Superintendent. Perhaps because English-speaking Cameroonians are seldom elevated to such rank within the Cameroonian Military and Police Forces, it may explained why he was struck with paranoia, when he listened to the interview of Dr Taku. Hence he decided to ring Nyoh Moses ordering him to stop the programme.

Nyoh Moses told me with annoyance that, Mr Francis, the Police Commissioner even went the extra length of asking him that: why on earth could he allow such subversive programme to be broadcast? But poor Moses could not say anything other than try to exonerate himself by saying that he did not see the name of Alexander Taku in the listed names of interviewees, which were boldly written on the conductor sheets that I presented to him to sign before I could go on air. In other words, I took it upon myself to include and broadcast the interview of Dr Alexander Taku, which to the provincial head of national security, was a dangerous and seditious interview. Nonetheless, that so-called dangerous interview which caused my end and shattered any hopes I had nursed of getting permanently employed at CRTV had suffered many cuts or editing on my editing machine, in a bid to respect the editorial line of the broadcasting house and also make it fit for official broadcast and public consumptions. I suddenly discovered that, had I broadcast the interview of Dr Alexander Taku unedited, I won’t have even left the studios of CRTV Douala Broadcasting House that morning. I would have been arrested. But because I had edited it properly, as all other interviews are cleanse at CRTV before broadcast, I was free but lost all prospects of ever getting employed at the state own corporation.

Moses told me immediately after that, I was suspended. It was a metaphor, for termination of my collaboration with CRTV. I think, Nyoh Moses was also afraid of his personal career and thus, thought that, my continuous presence may jeopardize his career, because I was now presented as a close friend to Dr Alexander Taku and a sympathiser of the SDF. I left CRTV Douala that day, May 19th 1997 and went home disenchanted. I also knew that, had it been I was from an influential family with connections within the government, I won’t have had all the difficulties I had undergone, in a bid to be employed. I also knew that, I won’t have pretended or invented myself a tribal belongingness, as I did, all in a bid to get employed. I was brought up “tribeless” but within a country that was to me, inexistent. But belonged nonetheless to an official country, which I have never thought as being mine or it became mine by default. I went home and stayed for while and decided to create a small Communications firms called Emmanuel & Smith Communications, with the objective of producing documentaries and ultimately to own a newspaper company one day. I have always been a person who likes to do business or own my own business.

An ambiguous SDF

Amongst topflight militants of the SDF who held an ambiguous approach toward the current configuration of Cameroon were: late Albert Woma Mukong, who was amongst the founding fathers of the SDF, Dr Nfor Ngalla Nfor, who is now vice chair of a faction of the Southern Cameroon’s National Council (SCNC) and also Dr Alexander Taku, who was at the time, head of the Education and Training department of the SDF and also member of an anarchist group called Cape Liberte, chair by a megalomaniac by Njeukam Njameni .I did interview Dr Taku for my Saturday morning May 19th programme and his tape was pre-listened by I and Nyoh Moses and was thoroughly edited. But that morning of Saturday day May 19th 1997, as the tape of Dr Alexander Taku was rolling and dishing out his views and also those of his party on the May 20th national day, he touched a sensitive subject: Federalism. I think or as Nyoh Moses made me to understand that, the provincial head of National Security for the Littoral province with resident in Douala and whose office was about a kilometre away from the provincial CRTV Broadcasting House, was following the programme and did not appreciate the interview of Dr Taku, hence he called Nyoh Moses and ordered him to stop the programme. This version was supported by Christian Tobi aka Chris, an English desk journalist, who was also in a similar administrative position that I was.

But I have never come to terms or I do not quite understand how or why the interview of Dr Taku in the programme was dangerous or different from the two preceding ones. Perhaps Nyoh Moses was just being zealous or perhaps he was afraid of the consequences that such interviews might cause within the Anglophone community in Douala and also within the adjoining coastal Anglophone province of the South West and the northern region or North West province, considered rebellious a day to the national day celebrations hence he acted proactively. May I also note that the city Douala was considered at that time as a city captured by the opposition, it was the position and observation of government supporters. But was CRTV Douala received out of the Littoral province? Yes, but only in the South west province and not in the North West province. Could Dr Alexander Taku’s interview cause disturbances on the National Day in Douala and in South West province? That, I don’t think, for he was just saying what all Cameroonians on both linguistic divide knew. But I have asked myself many other questions about that May 19th 1997 programme and I have never really had answers to justify why I was shown the door.