Brief Bio of Cameroon's Prime minister: Chief Inoni Ephraim

Mr Inoni Ephraim was appointed to the honorary, but nonetheless, prestigious post of Prime minister, on the 4th of December 2004. The post of Prime minister, is one those flashy posts of responsibility, that in Cameroon, the majority French-speaking government in Yaoundé, earmarks for Anglophone Cameroonians, who it must be stressed, can never be nominated to head any strategic posts in the country. Some strategic posts of responsibilities barred to Anglophone Cameroonians, are: Defence, Finance and Territorial administration (Home affairs) ministries. Before his appointment in 2004, it was rumoured in 1996 that, he was slated to replace Prime Minister Simon Achidi Achu MP, another Anglophone, who was from the North West province and who to forego his post, because of reasons earlier mentioned. Mr Inoni also doubles as the traditional head of the village of Idenao, located in West coast. West coast is a region and also an electoral constituency, that is not far from the post city of Victoria. Chief Inoni Ephraim was born on the 16th of August 1947 in Victoria, South west province. He is a graduate of Saint Paul College, Bonjongo, Buea and Regina Pacis College of Mutengene. Both secondary schools are located in the South West province. After his secondary education, he furthered his studies at the Ecole Nationale d’administration et de la Magistrature (ENAM) in Yaoundé and graduated in 1977.

He has held several top responsibilities within the civil service of his country. He has worked as Chief Accountant at the provincial Treasury in Bamenda, provincial capital of the North West province (1979-81). From Bamenda, he was appointed as the deputy Inspector general of Treasury of the Littoral province, with headquarters in Douala, the provincial capital. In Douala, he became the municipal Treasurer, a post he held from 1981-82. From Douala, he was appointed Treasurer of the Cameroons Embassy in Washington DC (1982-84). In the United States, he registered for a Masters Degree course at the Southern Eastern University, where he graduated with an MBA in Public Administration. Until his appointment as Prime minister in 2004, he held the posts of first deputy secretary general at the Presidency of the Republic1994-97. Prior to working at the presidency, he was, Director of sales at the ministry of Finance in 1984-88. He is also member of the Board of Directors of the formerly state owned utility: SONEL now called AESSONEL, since it was privatised. He was also member of the board of directors of the now liquidated Cameroon Bank. He is currently the chair of the Board of Directors of Standard Chartered Bank, Cameroon. Prime Minister Inoni Ephraim is a practising Christian and precisely member of the Cameroon Anglican Church. He attends service every Sunday. He is married and father of four Children. His wife’s name is Lydia Nalova Litumbe. She holds a Bachelors of Science[1].

[1] Pages B-107 , Cameroun- les Hommes de pouvoir, Indigo publications, Paris, France, June 2001.

Battle for the Post of Prime minister amongst Anglophone Cameroonians

Elites of the South West province, who were showing extravagant interest in the battle that, the ruling majority French-speaking government in Yaoundé, was carrying out against the North West province or its elites; were: Professor Peter Agbor Tabi, former minister Higher Education and currently Pro-Chancellor of the University of Buea. Mr Tabi is a native of Mamfe, headquarters of Manyu division. The others were: Namata Ewanga Ebenezer MP from Kumba West electoral constituency, Henry Njalla Quang, Director General of CDC, who was/is from Victoria and Dr Mrs Dorothy Nujeuma, who was the former Vice Chancellor of the University of Buea. It must be recalled that, The University of Buea, is the only full-fledged state owned Anglophone University in Cameroon. Dr Mrs Dorothy Nujeuma is a native of Buea. There was also from Mamfe, another expectant figure, who was waiting to feast on the spoil of the battle, pitting the Francophone ruling elites in Yaoundé against a section of elites from the North West province. The expectant figure was Peter Oben Ashu, the controversial and astonishingly ethno-xenophobic, former governor of the South West province. Why did the majority French-speaking ruling elites in Yaoundé, fall out with their Anglophone pals from the North West province?

It was simply because; the latter were now leading the opposition, to the designs of the seemingly eternal rule of Paul Biya’s regime and also carrying out a thinly veiled battle against the perpetual political hegemony of French-speaking Cameroonians. However, out of all those South west elites latter mentioned who were and are still members of the ruling CPDM party, only three singled themselves out and thus were serious pretenders to any prestigious posts in Cameroon that were reserved to Anglophones. Top amongst them was the extraordinary, Henry Njalla Quang. Why? It was simply because; he was the chair of local football club called Electricity Sport Football Club or Elect Sports FC of Victoria (Limbe). This club was formerly chaired by lawyer Innocent Bonnu. The city of Victoria, where is located the lone oil refinery of Cameroon, is one of the two coastal towns of Anglophone Cameroon with seaports and whose development was abandoned by the majority French-speaking government in Yaoundé, immediately after unification. Besides Elect Sports Football Club, Victoria or Limbe, has another Football Club, perhaps much more popular than the former. She is called Victoria United aka one people one power (opopo).

Both football clubs reflect the political divide and acrimony that the unification of Anglophone Cameroon with French-speaking Republic of Cameroon has caused and left on minds and amongst Anglophone Cameroonians from the former British protectorate of Southern Cameroon’s within the city of Victoria. It is rumoured that, while Victoria United FC was created by those who wanted the independence of former British administered Southern Cameroon’s, but some of whom, were also for integration with Nigeria, the founders of Elect Sports Football Club seem to be people who supported unification. Those details mentioned, it is important to recall that, it was Mr Quang’s activism, especially in sport, when he succeeded to take over the chairmanship of Elect Sports Football Club of Victoria (Limbe) from Mr Innocent Bonnu, a rich and popular lawyer, but who was suspected to be a supporter of the opposition SDF, that he (Quang), became visible on the radar of the government and ruling party stalwarts in Yaoundé. Before then, he was one of the many local champions in the South West province, in search for national recognition.

Anglophone Cameroon's unity façade

In a simplistic manner, it is often claim that, the people of the north of Anglophone Cameroon, otherwise known as the North West province, have enjoyed a special love and preferential affair with the majority and governing French-speaking government in Yaoundé. But in reality, those who benefited from the erstwhile or the claimed special rapport that existed between elites of the North West province and elites of the governing majority French-speaking Cameroonians in Yaoundé, were principally North West elites, who originated from the same region and towns within Mezam division and from Bamenda city in particular. The others, who benefited from the erstwhile treaty, that linked the majority French-speaking central government in Yaoundé with Anglophone elites of the nationality or region earlier mentioned, were a special highly enterprising nation/tribe of the North West province called the Mettas. The Mettas succeeding in being part of the decried latter mentioned syndicate, courtesy their formidable greater Widikum mafia, which has given birth to sub mafia clans such as the Batibo & Bafochu Mafias. Anglophone Cameroon has a unity façade, which is the envy of French-speaking Cameroonians.
But under that feel-good and united-we-stand, propaganda, that some Anglophone nationalists like to extol, there is a visceral dichotomy, pitting Anglophones elites from the North or North West province, against Anglophones from the south, known today as the South west province.

But beyond those dichotomies, whose roots are old and has which been exacerbated by the outcome of the 1961 unification treaty, there is an intra North West dichotomy and also an intra South west dichotomy. The latter has been superficially treated above, but the former’s own cause and problems it has orchestrated, has not been treated or mentioned in detail hereon. It is therefore necessary to mention hereon that, the North West province, have it own set of dichotomies. It is crystallised by the conflicts that pit elites from a part of the North West province known as far North West, against those of Momo and Mezam divisions, who seem to have benefited overwhelmingly, from political appointments, since 1961. But as the rapport between elites of the North west province and elites of the governing majority French-speakers in Yaoundé was deteriorating, because the former became the leaders of pro-democracy movements and political parties in the county, elites of the South of Anglophone Cameroon, otherwise known as the South West province stood ready on the sidelines to benefit from the spoil of war of the former friends.

Is Biya's rule a continuation of that late Ahmadou Ahidjo

It is often claim that, Biya’s rule is the continuation of that of his predecessor, late Ahmadou Ahidjo. While it is not entirely wrong, I am nevertheless of the opinion that, the 90s were the years, when Paul Biya, took a distant from his predecessor and began stamping his own rule or ideology in Cameroon. Hence, by nominating Peter Mafany Musonge as Prime minister in 1996, and this, to replace Mr Simon Achidi Achu MP, who was holding the post since April 1992, and who was/is a native of the north of Anglophone Cameroon, otherwise known as North west province, Paul Biya did not only put an end to his predecessor’s Anglophone Cameroon politics, he also heralded the genesis of his as own independent political policies, which as already mentioned, started in the 90s. Therefore, in my humble opinion, it was only after Paul Biya survived the social and political upheavals of the 90s, which rocked the foundation of the country, that, he began to lay the ground works of his political policies, which was to be fundamentally different from those of his predecessor. Paul Biya’s change of policy, especially in the way the governing majority French-speaking Cameroonians, dealt with Anglophone Cameroonians, was appreciated in the south or coastal region of Anglophone Cameroon, otherwise known as the South west province and this by some of her elites.

Ironically, the change or cosmetic change of Anglophone policy, which was in reality design to divide the unity of Anglophone Cameroonians, did not change the frustration and mistrust that, Anglophones from the South west province, the same as their kith and kin from the north or North West province, harboured or still harbours toward the central government in Yaoundé, which is predominantly French-speaking. The appointment of Mr Musonge as Prime minister as already started was pleasant to some elites of the South west province, but it also sparked a simmering intra coastal Anglophone or South West provincial rivalries. For some elites from power broking centres of the South west province, such as Mamfe, Victoria, Kumba, Mundemba and Mienji, frowned at the fact that, whenever there was any prestigious post earmarked to elites from their region or province, the chosen persons are/were almost always from Buea. The disappointment with the appointment of Peter Mafany Musonge as prime minister, from a section of the elites of the South west province, stems from the fact that, prior to Musonge’s nomination, there were already two elites of the South west province, who were warming up on sidelines, waiting to exploit the spoils of the announced end of the love rapport, that bounded the French-speaking dominated central government in Yaoundé with elites of the North West province.

Unwritten laws and rules of Cameroon and Brief bio of Peter Mafany Musonge

Unwritten laws and rules of Cameroon

The last unwritten law or rule in Cameroon, and which has since been broken, is that which states that, English-speaking Cameroonians from the south or coastal part of the Anglophone region, which is currently known as the South west province, are/ were barred since the unification of October 1st 1961, to head prestigious posts, designated to English-speaking Cameroonians. Those roles or posts left to English-speaking Cameroonians, which are largely ceremonial, were almost always given to English-speaking Cameroonians from the north of the Anglophone region, otherwise known as the North West province. It may explain why, since the unification, the ceremonial positions of vice president, speakers of parliament and prime ministers, when they are English-speaking Cameroonians, were all natives/nationals from the north of the Anglophone region of Cameroon, otherwise known as North West province. Why were North westerners given preferential treatment by the governing Francophone central government in Yaoundé? It is rumoured that, late El Hadj Amadou Ahidjo, the first president of independent French-speaking Republic of Cameroon and first president of the unified Federal Republic of Cameroon, wanted to punish the people of the south or coastal region of Anglophone Cameroon, known today as the South West. Why? Simply because, the late right honourable EML Endeley MP, former prime minister of British administered Southern Cameroon’s campaigned vigorously against unification with French-speaking Cameroon in the plebiscite of February 1961. The final out come of the 1961 plebiscite set the platform for the October 1961 unification. What is not known is how late Ahidjo would have reacted if as it turnout in the 90s, the Anglophone region of the North West that he preferred became lighting-rod of all those opposed to his regime and the present configuration of the country.

Peter Mafany Musonge

But Paul Biya, the predecessor of late Ahidjo decided in 1996 to stop the appointment of elites of the North of Anglophone Cameroon otherwise known as the North West province to honorary but all the same prestigious position of Prime minister in Cameroon. Hence, he appointed Peter Mafany Musonge as Prime minister. Who is Peter Mafany Musonge? He was born on the 3rd of December 1942 in Buea. Before his appointment as Prime Minister in September 1996, he had held the following post of responsibilities: from 1973-76 he was deputy director at the Ministry of Housing and Public Works, from 1980-84, he was Director General of Laboratoire national de genie civil (Labogenie), from 1984-87, he was Director General of the Parc National du Materiel de genie Civil (Matgenie) and from 1988-96, he was Director General of Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC). He became a card holding member of the ruling Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM) in September 1996 and member of the central committee (decision making body) of the same party in October 1996. Mr Musonge attended his primary and secondary education in Buea and furthered his schooling in the United States. In the United Sates he attended Drexel Institute of Technology in Philadelphia and Stanford University in California. From both institutions, he graduated respectively with a Bachelor of Science degree in civil Engineering and a Masters of Science degree in structural Engineering .

Brief Biography of Henry Njalla Quang

Mr Henry Njalla Quang was appointed to the post of Managing Director of the Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC) in 1998. CDC is the largest agro-industrial establishment in West Africa and second employer in Cameroon after the government. Mr Henry Njalla Quang was born in 1949 in the village of Wovia. Wovia is a village located on the outskirts of the city of Victoria (Limbe). Although a native of the fishermen and farmers village called Wovia, via his maternal ancestry, Mr Quang is one of the many offspring of the many black Africans whose ancestry can be traced to Liberia, Sierra Leone, Fernando Po, currently known as Equatorial Guinea and the Caribbean. Whether he is of Sierra Leonean or Liberian ancestry, as generally claimed, it is not known. But one thing is certain, he like many others, who now claim to be natives of Victoria, the reality are in fact that, they are either progenies of freed slaves from Britain and the Americas, who settled in the afore mentioned countries or are progenies of the many other black Africans, caught on slave ships by the British navy patrolling the Gulf of Guinea. Another singularity with the city of Victoria and its surrounding coastal villages is that, most of those who claim today to be aboriginals are not. The only people who can pretend to be bona fide aboriginals are those from the hinterland villagers surrounding Victoria. In other words in Victoria proper the preponderant majority of those pretending to be natives are. And this destroys the ethno-regionalist xenophobia policies of the government floated in the 90s. And concerning Blacks who were caught on slave ships, they were freed by the British and then settled along the coast of Southern Cameroon’s and on the coast and on islands of eastern Nigeria and the Nigerian Niger Delta regions in particular.

Political activists and an opportunist

Mr Henry Njalla Quang studied in his native region and furthered his education in Nigeria and also in Sierra Leone, precisely at the prestigious Forahbay University College of Freetown, where he graduated with a Masters degree in Industrial and Mechanical Engineering. He came back to Cameroon in 1975 and was employed at the National Ports Authority of Cameroon, with headquarters in Douala. There, he held a senior management position until he was appointed General Manager of CDC in 1998. His appointment came just two years after his predecessor and political rival, Peter Mafany Musonge was appointed Prime minister. Mr Quang is a political activists and an opportunist. He first attracted the attention of the officials of the ruling CPDM party, in 1990. At that time, the Francophone ruling elites were looking for a possible replacement of former Prime Minister Sardou Hayatou. But the idea was dropped because, even though he was/is English-speaking Cameroonian, he was nonetheless from the south of Anglophone Cameroon, otherwise known as the South west province. For in Cameroon, there are several unwritten laws and rules. One has it that, even though Cameroon is officially a bilingual English and French-speaking Cameroon, French remains the official language. The second also has it that, nationals from both regions are equal and could assume any function in the country. But in reality, English-speaking Cameroonians are barred from strategic posts of responsibilities in Cameroon such as ministry of Finance, Defence and Territorial Administration (Interior).

Rivalry between Henry Njalla Quang and Peter Mafany Musonge

Henry Njalla Quang is an Anglophone from the coastal region of Anglophone Cameroon known as the South West province. He is an ethnic Bakweri, precisely from the town of Victoria (Limbe), whereas the former Prime Minister, Peter Mafany Musonge was/is a native of Buea, former capital of British Southern Cameroon’s and currently, provincial capital of the South West. Another twist is that, there is an internecine rivalry between elites of the South west province. But there is also another more intriguing one. It is that which teams up elites from other parts of the South west province against elites, who are natives of the town of Buea. Once again, it is important to point out that, Buea is the provincial capital of the South west and it is therefore weird to discover that, elites from the same province will be scheming against those from Buea. But for every positive or negative reaction, there must be an action that has sparked the positive or negative reaction. The reason why, elites from the entire South west province are ganging up against those from Buea is not difficult to fathom. For it seem as though, elites from Buea have always enjoyed privileges in political appointments in Cameroon, since the unification of 1961. And the feeling that elites from Buea have been given preferential treatment by the Francophone ruling elites in Yaoundé has created jealousy amongst elites from other regions within the South West province.

This intra south west rivalry could be considered as a vertical one. For there is another form of rivalry within elites of Anglophone Cameroon in general and this one could be classified as horizontal. This horizontal rivalry, pits elites of the coastal part of Anglophone Cameroon known as the South west against elites of the north of Anglophone Cameroon, otherwise known as the North West province. And the root cause of the rivalry is the same as those pitting the entire south west province against elites from the provincial capital, Buea. The intra south western elites’ rivalry may explain why Mr Henry Njalla Quang, who was/is a native of Victoria, and also the new person in charge of CDC, did not want in anyway, to have any kind of sympathies or allegiance toward his predecessor, who was at the time Prime minister. Hence, Thomas Tobbo Eyoum, who was at war with John Epee Mandengue and even though the former was not English-speaking and also not a native of the South west province, was aware of the rivalry between Henry Njalla Quang and Peter Mafany Musonge, hence he ( Thomas) dashed into the rivalry and exploited it to his advantage. He (Thomas) was equally aware that, the appointment of Njalla Quang as new manager of CDC was not achieved through pressure; lobbying or recommendation of Peter Mafany Musonge, but through the discretions of the head of state, Paul Biya and Mr Biya enjoys creating rivalries between elites of the same region.

Manoka Island

Thomas certainly had stronger connections within the ruling CPDM party than John and Thomas could also have destroyed John, politically and economically, faster than expected, if it were not for the timely intervention of the traditional head of Deido. But in early 1997, Thomas felt that, it was time to finish with John Epee Mandengue: economically and politically. Why? Simply because, in spite the mediation of the traditional head of Deido, during the constitution of the party list for the primaries within the ruling CPDM party, John Epee Mandengue, Armand Din Bell and Laurent Esso, who was Minister of Justice at that time, constituted the same list or were in the same camp. John Epee Mandengue’s list was constituted prior to the legislative elections of 1997. Thomas therefore discovered that, he had several other potential and much more powerful political enemies than John Epee Mandengue, who was his obsession. It must be recalled that, John became the political enemy and rival of Thomas since the former took over the moribund Leopard Football Club of Deido and transformed it into one of the three prestigious football clubs of the country. But while Thomas was battling on several fronts, he nevertheless succeeded to win the primaries organised within the ruling CPDM party and went on to be elected MP.

Thomas Tobbo Eyoum was elected MP for the Douala sixth parliamentary constituency, based in the Island of Manoka. The Douala sixth constituency is made up of the Islands of Swelaba, Cape Cameroon and Manoka. Manoka Island is the largest of the three islands. She is located some 30 km away from mainland Douala and it is inhabited in majority by Nigerians, Beninese, Liberians and Ghanaian fishermen & women. Manoka is 20km in length and 17km in width and has little or no infrastructure. It has a prison constructed by the Germans and used by the French and the regime of late Amadou Ahidjo to jail rebel or nationalists of the UPC and also those who were opposed to his rule. It used to have a large sawmill, railways and a jetty meant to export timber exploited on Manoka Island and adjoining ones. But all those infrastructure left by the Germans and sustained by a Timber exploitation company for while, has been left to ruin after exploitable timber was exhausted. Manoka island and the other Islands belonging administratively to the Wouri division of the Littoral province are surviving economically because of Nigerian fishermen and Nigerian businessmen and women, without them, it would have become desolate uninhabited islands. After the victory of Thomas, he registered another victory. Peter Mafany Musonge, the cousin of John Epee Mandengue was still Prime minister but he was no longer the Director General of CDC. The new Director General of CDC was Henry Njalla Quang.

Niat Njifenji Marcel

Nevertheless, Thomas had an advantage over John. He had well established connections within the ruling CPDM party that even John’s cousin who was prime minister, did not have. Why? Because Peter Mafany Musonge was not a real CPDM militant, he was not even a politician, for he did not have any elective post, his political career was achieve via the chaperoning of Paul Biya. It is the connections that Thomas Tobbo Eyoum had within the ruling party, which he employed, like a steamroller against John Epee Mandengue. In the beginning, John resisted like a rock, because Thomas had problems with Laurent Esso, who was at a point, a partner in the nefarious fabulous four (John, Thomas, Laurent and Armand), who were the ideologues of the tribal and supremacist group, that was viscerally against the Bamilekes in Douala and in the Littoral province in general. However John had another pressing problem, which made him vulnerable. This time around, it was the contract with the Song-lulu section of the National Electricity Corporation (SONEL), which his company Broking Services International had and was thus, insuring the staff and equipments. The said contract was on the line or facing termination. For the managing director of the state utility, late Niat Njifenji Marcel, who was a member of the central committee of the ruling party as Thomas Tobbo Eyoum MP was, and he was considering revoking the contract.

Why? It is/was the friendship that Thomas had with Marcel, who was an ethnic Bamileke, and whose tribe or nationality were the staple and target of hate from Elimbi newspaper, owned by John Epee Mandengue, that made Thomas Tobbo Eyoum to have a decisive lead in his battle against John Epee Mandengue. How? At the heat of their battle, Thomas took a copy of Elimbi newspaper to Yaoundé. It was during a meeting of the Central committee of the ruling CPDM party and gave it to Niat Njifenji Marcel. Immediately, Niat read the paper, as an ethnic Bamileke, he came back to Douala annoyed and rang John. He told him that, he was suspending the insurance contract linking Broking Services International with SONEL. All attempts at explanations from John Epee Mandengue did not change things. The lost of the insuring contract with the Song-lulu division of the National Electricity Corporation of Cameroon (SONEL) meant that, John had to curtail his expenditure and also his political ambitions. He no longer had the same financial withal to continue his political battle with Thomas Tobbo Eyoum. But he could console himself that he still had an important contract with CDC. The mediation of the traditional chief of Deido, His Royal Highness Gustave Essaka Ekwalla, may not have averted the showdown between two of his illustrious subjects, but it certainly delayed the political and economic demolition of John Epee Mandengue, embarked upon by Thomas Tobbo Eyoum.

Thomas Tobbo Eyoum and the battle for the political control of the city of Douala

Thomas Tobbo Eyoum had read the history of late MKO Abiola of Nigeria and knew that, the late Muslim Yoruba Business Mongol, did launch his political ambitions, not by being a successful businessman, but as an excellent supporter and promoter of sports, and in chief, football. Thomas Tobbo Eyoum was the one who was first suspicious with the takeover of Leopard Football Club of Deido, Douala by John Epee Mandengue and he chimed the alarm bell. But the Royal Highness of Deido, Chief Gustave Essaka Ekwalla, who was enthralled by John Epee Mandengue, came to the rescue of his protégé. He convinced other elites of the city, who were members of the ruling party to support Mandengue and ignore the alarm raised by Mr Eyoum. Although Mr Eyoum became suspicious and jealous of Mr Mandengue’s political, social and business successes, they both had similar traits as already mentioned. What did Thomas Tobbo Eyoum have in common with John Epee Mandengue? Like John Epee Mandengue, Thomas Tobbo Eyoum was also in the insurance business and owned an insurance company called Province Reunie. But the difference that existed between Thomas and John was in the running or management of their respective companies: Province Reunie and Broking Services International.

Thomas Tobbo Eyoum wanted or made it a point of duty that, all holders of management positions within his company, must be card holding members of the ruling CPDM party, whereas the John Epee Mandengue, never cared whether those holding management positions in his company (Broking Services International) belonged either to the ruling party or the opposition, especially the SDF. The only condition needed to hold management position at Broking Services International was to be English-speaking and preferably, a native of Anglophone Cameroon proper, or any other English-speaking country in the world. I must repeat and insist that, John Epee Mandengue’s directors were not only from the Anglophone region of Cameroon, there were also nationals from other English-speaking African countries. For John Epee Mandengue had the firm conviction, it was that, only people from the English-speaking world were competent in management positions, within his company or elsewhere. The success of Leopard Football Club of Douala, made the smouldering conflict that was brewing between John Epee Mandengue and Thomas Tobbo Eyoum to breakout into a full blown conflict. Their conflict was synonymous in every inch to that of the biblical Soul and David clash. Why did the rivalry of John and Thomas take an unimaginable dimension? The reason is not difficult to fathom.

Thomas Tobbo Eyoum was the interlocutor of the central government in Douala and he feared that, the growing popularity of John Epee Mandengue after the success of Leopard Football Club and his cousin Peter Mafany Musonge as prime minister, might force the central government in Yaoundé, to start using John Epee Mandengue as a substitute interlocutor. Hence Thomas decided to kill John politically, before what he feared becomes a reality. But he had to carryout his political war against John with utmost care, for his cousin Peter Mafany Musonge was still prime minister. His Royal Highest Chief Gustave Essaka Ekwalla sensing that, two prestigious natives of his chiefdom were squaring for a battle that, they will end up mutually killing each other, politically, economically and even physically, decided to intervene. He invited Thomas and John to his palace for mediation, they came but his mediation produced no effect. For the battle line was drawn and swords were out in full bloom. John had two victories his business was succeeding and his football was also successful and he could also count on his cousin Peter Mafany Musonge who was still prime minister. But Thomas had an advantage over John. He had connections within the ruling that John’s cousin who was prime minister did not have because; he was not real CPDM militant.