elie-smithsstory

Was Professor Henri HogbeNlend the poodle of Dr Moise Albert Njambe

2011-11-23T23:37:00.000-08:00

Dr Njambe who had earlier contacted Professor Nlend as a standby possible substitution/ proposal for the planned “government of national union” should his mediation or attempt to bring the SDF fail, welcomed the overtures of Professor Nlend. For it was a win-win or mutual exploitation for both men. Professor Henri Hogbe Nlend knew that, should Dr Njambe response favourably to his financial request, his political career will be rekindled. Dr Njambe is a lover of solid or true democracy in which there exists factual opposition. But he had lost faith in UPC’s capacity to incarnate a solid viable opposition in Cameroon. He felt that, the role of leading opposition party in Cameroon was carried by the SDF. Nonetheless, he was inclined to help Professor Nlend financially even though he knew that such help will help to consolidate the balkanisation of the UPC. But what was at stake was the reputation of Dr Njambe and he did not care about the UPC. Hence he gave CFA Francs 3 million to Henri Hogbe Nlend. It was with that sum, that professor Nlend used to kick start, his campaign within the UPC for the post of secretary general.

Even though professor Nlend later on got financial assistance from elsewhere, the financial help that Njambe gave him, made him to be subservient. He regularly took pains to inform Njambe on whatever thing or action that he wanted to do or take. And more, he waited for the approval or advice of Njambe. Professor Nlend was a sort of marionette or poodle of Dr Njambe. Besides the sum aforementioned, that Dr Moise Albert Njambe gave to Professor Henri Hogbe Nlend and which he used to his campaign for the post of secretary general of the UPC and which may have also pre-empted the shredding of the UPC into many factions, Njambe also took the pains to note in his diary all amount of monies that he gave the professor of mathematics. The other politician who fell into the drag net of Dr Moise Albert Njambe was Bello Bouba Maigari, chair of the NUDP. It is or was a party touted as the second largest intra and extra parliamentary opposition in Cameroon after the SDF. Some, especially those who can’t stomach the fact that the SDF holds leadership position amongst the opposition and is led by John Fru Ndi have even claimed that, NUDP was the leading opposition party. But the truth is that, the NUDP was and is still a paper tiger. Bello Bouba Maigari in the Cameroonian political galaxy is another character altogether.

Cameroon: did Professor Henri Hogbe Nlend betray Ossende Affana ?

2011-11-20T07:15:00.000-08:00

It is an accusation that he refuses. For if he accepts, it will confirm the rumours floated that he is a traitor. This is so because any French-speaking Cameroonian, who was a member of the UPC and belongs to the generation of Mr Hogbe Nlend and above all, have ambitions to lead the party with the red flag and its black crab placed at the centre of the flag, must not obtains or apply for French nationality. In case he/she does and it is known, it is considered by members of the UPC as the utmost indignity and a passport to straight disqualification. For France is considered in French-speaking Cameroon and in particular in former UPC strongholds as an enemy country. But whether Mr Hogbe Nlend was a holder of a French passport or not he was considered as a danger to the UPC. And immediately he came home and wanted to run for the post of secretary general of the UPC, his most virulent adversary was Augustine Frederick Kodock MP. As already mentioned, even Ndeh Ntumazah, the chair of the short live unified UPC also threw a wearied look at Hogbe Nlend’s ambitions within the UPC. But Mr Kodock was the one who lead the campaign albeit a smear one, against Mr Nlend. He floated the idea anew that, Nlend had connived with the French backed government of late Ahmadou Ahidjo to assassinate Ossende Affana.

Mr Affana was the commandant of the UPC in the central southern part of French-speaking Cameroon in 1966. Professor Henri Hogbe Nlend may be considered as a dangerous opportunist, because he made his ambitions clear within the UPC. But one thing is certain, civil politics in comtemporary Cameroon, the field he went into, was different from that of the 50s and 60s. Politics contrary to what some idealists always claim from their vintage positions, needs monies than ideologies and programmes. And it was the same in Cameroon. And since the re-introduction of multiparty politics in the 90s, only individuals and parties in Cameroon who have charismatic leaders, a fief and money, have survived. Professor Hogbe Nled had a name; he was a little bit charismatic and had a fief, but wherein, he did not command total control. But it was a fief all the same. What he lacked, above all in his political engine was fuel or money. As the competition for the post of secretary general of the UPC heated up, it became evident to him that his rival Augustine Frederick had all his hand and an extra edge: money. It was mindful of his financial handicap that, Professor Henri Hogbe Nlend called on Dr Moise Albert Njambe for financial support.

Brief Biography of Professor Henri Hogbe Nlend

2011-11-14T02:41:00.000-08:00

Professor Henri Hogbe Nlend is another character. Although he was born in French-speaking Cameroon and was a member of nationalist French-speaking Cameroonian party: UPC, that fought the French, he is paradoxically, a French national and a distinguished intellectual. Professor Henri Hogbe Nlend was born on the 23rd of December 1939 in the village of Nkom-Ngambe. The village of Nkom-Ngambe is located in the Sanaga Maritime division of the Littoral province. He was from1962-1963, chair of the UPC branch in France and in Algeria. He held similar position for the UPC in Congo Brazzaville from 1963-1966. He is a mathematic professor and taught at the University of Bordeaux, France from 1974-1997. He became vice chair of the France section of the ruling Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM) from1985-1990. He was appointed minister of Technical and Scientific Research of Cameroon in December 1997 courtesy the mediation of Dr Moise Albert Njambe. Professor Henri Hogbe Nlend is since 1998, chair of a faction of the UPC known as UPC H. He is presented by his detractors as a very divisive political figure. To some members of the UPC, the French-speaking Cameroonian nationalist party, Professor Nlend is a dangerous opportunist.

While to his admirers, he is a hero and a venerated scientist. Concerning his controversial aspects, he is accused by some members of the UPC of having betrayed Ossende Affana, a member of the UPC, who was assassinated in 1966. Unlike most UPC members, Ndeh Ntumazah, doesn’t accuse professor Nlend of having betrayed any member of the UPC. Ndeh Ntumazah is the only surviving founding member of the UPC and chair the same party. Ndeh Ntumazah nonetheless accuses Professor Nlend, of being an opportunist. Paradoxically, Professor Nlend got the anointment and support of Ndeh Ntumazah, to stand as presidential candidate in 1997. I don’t therefore comprehend why and what Ndeh Ntummazah was accusing his protégé of being an opportunist. Professor Nlend may be a political villain or opportunist to some. But he is an honest intellectual with an impressive academic pedigree. In 1976, he created the African Mathematics Union or in French: Union Mathématique Africaine (UMA). He chaired the organisation for a decade and now he is the honorary chair and he presided the International Mathematic Union from 1978-86.

From 1979-88, he presided over the Centre of Pure and Applied Mathematics (Centre de Mathématique Pures et Appliqués), an organisation created under the auspices of UNESCO. Hogbe Nlend is a French-speaking Cameroonian and member of the UPC and also former member of the ruling party. He has been in France for so long that, he is thought to be a French national or holds a French passport. It is an accusation that he refuses. For if he accepts, it will confirm the rumours floated that, he is a traitor. This is so because, any French-speaking Cameroonian, who was a member of the UPC and belongs to the generation of Mr Hogbe Nlend and above all, have ambitions to lead the party with red flag and its black crab placed on the centre of the flag, must not obtains or apply for French nationality. In case he/she does and it is known, it is considered by members of the UPC as the utmost indignity and a passport for straight disqualification. For France is considered in French-speaking Cameroon and in particular in the former UPC strongholds as an enemy country. But whether Mr Hogbe Nlend is a holder of a French passport or not he was and is still considered by some within the party as a dangerous element. Immediately he came home and wanted to run for the post of secretary general of the UPC, his most virulent adversary was Augustine Frederick Kodock MP.

Revealed : How the CPDM began negotiating with the SDF( part 2)

2011-11-13T02:43:00.000-08:00

It was Mrs Atangana, the wife of Augustine Frederick Bahiyiha MP, leader of a faction of the UPC, who introduced or gave the name of Moise Albert Njambe to Chantal (not to be confused with Chantal Biya) the wife Mr Eboutou. The wife of Mr Kodock knew Njambe since the 90s. It was the period when Njambe had first attempted without success, to mediate between the various leaders of the UPC, who all wanted to lead the famous French-speaking Cameroonian party. Moise Albert Njambe is a courageous breed of a Bassa native, a breed that is almost extinct from the surface of the earth. Moise Albert Njambe he is a born activist. He began making himself known to the public, when in 1987, he organised a demonstration against Colonel Blaise Compaore, the current president of Burkina-Faso, accusing him openly, to have assassinated Colonel Thomas Isidore Sankara. In Cameroon, there are many prejudice attached to the Bassas. One has it that, in whatever they do or get involved in, they become fanatics. And when Martin Belinga Eboutou got the name of Moise Albert Njambe from his wife, he decided to contact him. He asked Njambe if he had contacts with John Fru Ndi, Njambe responded yes. But it was not true. The two men nonetheless booked an appointment.

And when Njambe came for his first meeting Belinga Eboutou, Paul Biya was sitting in an adjoining office, listening to their conversation. He (Njambe) brought no evidence which showed that, he knew or had contacts with John Fru Ndi. Njambe instead brought a 100 page white paper report, with diagrams and statistics on the importance of the opposition to be part of the government. Mr Eboutou was not impressed and almost asked for Njambe’s arrest. But he (Njambe) escaped arrest because the head of state that was following their deliberations from an adjoining room and was impressed. He whispered to Eboutou to give Njambe a freehand to carry on with the mediation.Njambe left the presidency of the republic happy but with some anxiety. For he knew he had never met with the chair of the SDF or any top ranking member of the SDF before. He did not know how to start. But all he knew was that, he had to bring back results to Mr Eboutou or face disgrace and eventual arrest for usurpation. As a bright man who knows the operational mechanics of politicians, he first contacted Professor Henri Hogbe Nlend, who was leader of one of the three factions of a party that bored the initials: UPC.

Revealed : How the CPDM began negotiating with the SDF

2011-11-11T02:49:00.001-08:00

Martin Belinga Eboutou may have been right to claim that, the chair of the SDF was a credible interlocutor. But he was wrong to think that, the vice chair of the SDF whom at that time, was Souleymane Mahamat had a similar influence or carried any credibility within his party. Like the ruling CPDM party, the opposition SDF also has her own fare-share of radicals. The extremists or radicals within the SDF are of the opinion or think that, any person who is French-speaking, is dubious and thus not deserving to represent them. They don’t even bother to draw a line between northerners and southerners. Extremists within the SDF are comparable to the extremist ideologues of the ruling party in their prejudice and bigotry. Furthemore; hardliners within the SDF, who most often, don’t even hold any elective post or are not even members of the National Executive Council (NEC) are of the opinion that, Cameroonians and in particular English-speakers, have been marginalised for too long by the current regime. They are therefore in no disposition to dialogue with the government, if on the table; the present government has no plan to relinquish power. It is therefore very difficult for both sides to seat in the same room to negotiate on anything.

But Mr Eboutou, galvanised by the instructions and honour that the head of state has mandated him, wanted to negotiate with the SDF at all cost. For his obsession like most ideologues of the ruling party, is the perpetuation of the ruling party in power. Their only fear is the SDF and they are ready to share-power with the SDF. This is not because they desire, but because of the formidable mobilising capacity of the SDF and its ability to distablise the country if they wish. But while Eboutou was determined to negotiate with the SDF, he never cared about other elements of the radical opposition. It was not a surprise, for it was their deep ingrained philosophy, as already mentioned, to ignore other elements of the opposition. However, the only difficulty that Eboutou had was how to contact the chair of the SDF directly. In such occasions, there were plenty of intermediaries, but none succeeded. Officially or according to the myths and legends allowed and floated by Dr Njambe, he (Njambe) alone, was the one who could, and also took the initiative to contact the head of state to offer his services as mediator. But the reality is slimly different. Njambe’s name came up as a mediator between the government and the SDF, when attempts by all other other intermediaries to meet John Fru Ndi or Souleymane Mahamat failed.

Cameroon:profile of Martin Belinga Eboutou

2011-11-07T12:50:00.001-08:00

Martin Belinga Eboutou is a graduate, respectively of the Académie de Droit International and the Institute International D’administration Publique de Paris, France. Before coming to finalise his studies in Europe, he had studied Economy at the University of Kinshasa in the current Democratic Republic of Congo. Before his higher education, he had attended the Seminaries of the towns of Edea, Okono and Otélé. Curously, it is the same trajectory taken by Paul Biya, president of the Republic. Mr Martin Belinga Eboutou was born in the village of Nkilzok near the town of Sangmelima which is located in the South province on the 17th of February 1940. He is a career diplomat. He was the diplomatic adviser of the Pacific Island nation of Vanuatu from 1980-1981. While working for the Cameroon government, he held the following functions: Chargé d’affaires at the embassy of Cameroon in Congo Brazzaville from 1970-74, service head at the department of international organisation at ministry of foreign affairs from 1974-84. He was also commercial adviser at the Embassy of Cameroon in Paris, France 1984-89.

The other functions that he has asumed are: chief of presidential protocol at the civil cabinet of the presidency of the republic 1989-96 and director of presidential civil cabinet at the presidency of the republic from 1996-97. And since December 1997, he is Cameroon’s ambassador at the United Nations in New York, USA[1][1]. Mr Eboutou lost his post at the presidency of the Republic of Cameroon in December 1997, immediately the union government was formed. He was replaced by Edgar Alain Mebe Ngo’o. It is rumoured that, he lost his post because of conflicts that he had developed with Chantal Biya, the wife of the head of state. Eboutou is also known to be a proud man, who believes in strict Bantu Betis tradition, which stipulates that, a chief must be respected or must force his subjects to respect him. And when the head of state mandated him to negotiate with the opposition, he decided to take things into his own hands. He decided that, the only party that the ruling CPDM party could negotiate with was the SDF, but not as equals. And within the SDF, he felt it was only the chair or the vice chair that were credible interlocutors of the government.

[1] Mr Martin B. Eboutou, has since been reapointed to his former post of Director of Cabinet at the presidency of the Republic.

Cameroon:Prejudice and steorotypical views of people of the sahal and Muslims

2011-11-05T07:29:00.000-07:00

Prejudice and steorotypical views of people of the sahal and Muslims, took another dimension in French-speaking Cameroon as independence approached, in particular, when the French handed political power to Muslim northerners. Within the Biya regime, there are some members within his closely-knit ideologues, who may hate the SDF and it chair John Fru Ndi, but would prefer to negotiate with him or hand over power to the SDF ,than to the NUDP of Bello Bouba Maigari or CDU of Adamou Ndam Njoya. This is simply because; they are of the opinion that, a Muslim, even though a bonafide Cameroonian, has no right to govern the country anymore. Amongst those around Paul Biya, who had such extremist thoughts and never kept them was Martin Belinga Eboutou. Mr Eboutou until his assumption of the post of Cameroon’s ambassador and representative at UN in New York was chief of presidential protocol. Another member of the Biya regime with such extreme bigotry and anti Muslim thoughts is Professor Joseph Owona, former secretary general at the presidency of the republic and former ministers of national education and sports.

He is even rumoured to be at the head of a 16 thousand strong tribal militia, bearing the name of a tribal based occultic movement known as “Esingan”. He is also thought to be the one who diverted the initial trajectory, which the pipeline carrying Chadian oil had to take while on Cameroonian soil. It is claimed that, the pipeline was scheduled to terminate in the Anglophone coastal city of Victoria (Limbe), where is also located Cameroon’s lone oil refinery SONARA. But professor Owona, who was at that time, secretary general at the presidency with a supervisory responsibility on the oil pipeline project, rejected the proposal that made Victoria as the terminal and outlet of Chadian oil. He proposed the French-speaking Cameroonian town of Kribi, which had little or no infrastructure. The only advantage that kribi had over victoria was that it was his home town. There are many blood cuddling stories floating around about Professor Joseph Owona. One also has it that, he wants or is dreaming for the creation of purely Beti country that will regroup the Betis of Cameroon, northern Congo, Gabon and Equatorial Guinea. He is also suspected to be an admirer of the Hutu regime of late General Juvenile Hybiarimana.

Hence he encouraged the regime to host Colonel Theoneste Bagosora, believed to be the brainchild of the 1994 Rwandan genocide. But while Owona is an extrovert Eboutou is a tad flamboyant but seldom makes his philosophical thoughts besides his religious views known to the public. Martin Belinga Eboutou is a practising Roman Catholic Christian, who if he did not harbour hatred or prejudice toward Muslims, he would have been an all round perfect Christian. He is nonetheless what is referred to as a conservative. He believes that, any man or woman who wants to assume public functions must be irreproachable morally. He hated or still hates to hear the claim that religion or the Roman Catholic faith, should have in their midst people who claim to be progressive. In his opinion any progress must be strictly attached to the canon of the church and the bible. He was a seminarian like his boss and it was perhaps why he was too close to him (Paul Biya). But it was also his strict interpretation of moral values and literal believe in the bible that made him to lost his position at the presidency of the Republic in December 1997 immediately after the government was formed at last.

Anglo -American and Breton wood institutions activisms in Cameroon ( part 5)

2011-11-04T02:26:00.000-07:00

But the CDU has little influence in the predominantly ethnic Bamileke section of the West province. Her influence is located in the Noun division of the west province. Why? It is partly because; the people of the Noun division, are not ethnic Bamilekes, but are of a different ethnic stock called the Bamoums. Moreover, the people of the Noun division do practise a mixture of religions: Islam, Christianity and Animist. But their traditional head is a Sultan. This simply means that, Islam holds a dominant status in part of a province that is majority Christian. Even though in both parties, none carries any Islamic based ideologies, there is a profound aversion in Francophone equatorial Africa toward Muslims. Why? It is claimed that, the aversion started during French colonial ere. At that time, most colonial assistants, especially soldiers of the colonial army, were recruited from the Sahel region, particularly from Chad, Guinea, Upper Volta or Burkina Faso, Senegal, Niger, Mauritania and Mali. Furthermore these soldiers were the expedionary units of colonial France in the conquest of the region and the repression of nationalism. In Francophone Cameroon, the people of the greater southern part do also have abhorrence for Northerners. Why?

It is rumoured that, the man who killed Ruben Um Nyobe, who was one of the political and military head of the UPC, was a man of Sahalian stock. He is claimed to be precisely from modern day Chad. Hence in the mind of the people of the greater south of French-speaking Cameroon, there is no difference between a man from northern Cameroon and people from the Sahel region. For people of the afore-mentioned region are all considered to be Muslims, although in reality it is not accurate. There is even a generic term referring to Muslims. They are all called or considered as Hausas. This is another abusive or excesses engendered by prejudice borned out of colonialism. The truth is that, not everybody who originates from the sahal region is a Muslim and furthermore, they are not all ethnic Hausas. This steorotypical view is generalized throughout the equatorial part of former French colonial Africa, where any tall man, who is dark in complexion and putting on long flowing white robe, generally known as “gandora” and who also is considered to be a Muslim, is taken to be an enemy. Prejudice and steorotypical views of people of the sahal and Muslims, took another dimension in French-speaking Cameroon as independence approached, in particular, when the French handed political power to Muslim northerners.

Within the Biya regime, there are some members within his closely-knit ideologues, who may hate the SDF and it chair John Fru Ndi, but would prefer to negotiate with him or hand over power to the SDF ,than to the NUDP of Bello Bouba Maigari or CDU of Adamou Ndam Njoya. This is simply because; they are of the opinion that, a Muslim, even though a bonafide Cameroonian, has no right to govern the country anymore. Amongst those around Paul Biya, who had such extremist thoughts and never kept them was Martin Belinga Eboutou. Mr Eboutou until his assumption of the post of Cameroon’s ambassador and representative at UN in New York was chief of presidential protocol. Another member of the Biya regime with such extreme bigotry and anti Muslim thoughts is Professor Joseph Owona, former secretary general at the presidency of the republic and former ministers of national education and sports. He is even rumoured to be at the head of a 16 thousand strong tribal militia, bearing the name of a tribal based occultic movement known as “Esingan”. He is also thought to be the one who diverted the initial trajectory, which the pipeline carrying Chadian oil had to take while on Cameroonian soil.

Anglo -American and Breton wood institutions activisms in Cameroon ( part 3)

2011-11-02T11:42:00.000-07:00

For the Breton Wood institutions and their anglo-american allies made proposals, which did not succeed to appease the public, as they had thought. The strategy of the anglo-americans and the Bretton woods institutions did not succeed because, John Fru Ndi, chair of the SDF and leader of the radical but popular opposition parties, made up of the SDF, NUDP and CDU, had gone back to their old ways. They began using populist vitriolic against Paul Biya and his government. It was a recipe that has always succeeded. It was also rumoured that, the other reason why the Bretton woods institutions and their anglo-american allies failed with their proposal to hoodwink the opposition and the cameroonian mases was because, there was a fight between the radical opposition and the government, crystallised by John Fru Ndi and Paul Biya. The said fight had taken a mystical dimension, which was beyond the comprehension of many. And it appears, the abandonment of the “unity palace”, which is the official residence and office of the president of the republic, was the direct results of the mystical warfare pitting John Fru Ndi against Paul Biya. And according to the rumour mills, it seems the mythical battle was turning to the advantage of the John Fru Ndi.

However, mindful of the disastrous consequences of the absence of any prospect of the creation of a “government of national union” after the 1997 October presidential elections, the Anglo-Americans became more assertive. They asked Biya not only to create or form a “government of national union”, but any such government, must include members of the opposition and civil society. They also invited the government to negotiate with the radical opposition and in chief, the SDF. The man who had the responsibility on the government side to carry out negotiations with the opposition was Martin Belinga Eboutou. Interestingly, within the close circle of the ruling CPDM party, they wanted to negotiate with the opposition, but not with the entire opposition parties in the country. In their opinion, the opposition that they claimed or considered representative and worth negociating with were the SDF. They believed and still believe that, the SDF is the only representative element of the intricate web of opposition political parties in the country. Furthermore, they also believe that, the only party susceptible of creating problems or upsetting their plan of everlasting ruling Cameroon was the SDF.

As far as other part or elements of the opposition are concern, the ideologues of the government knew that, they could win over their leaders easily using the stratagem of carrots and batons. Another penchant within the inner circle of the government, which is a tribal set up, was a deliberate desire to snub two members or parties that made up the radical opposition group. These parties were the NUDP of Bello Bouba Maigari and CDU of Dr Adamou Ndam Njoya. Why? It was simply because, the heads of the latter political formations were Muslims or their stronghold were in the greater North that is predominantly Islamic or had large Muslim followings. While the NUDP might be referred to as a Muslim dominated party, because her stronghold is in the Greater Northern province of Cameroon with it principal base being the city of Garoua, however, the CDU of Adamou Ndam Njoya can’t easily be labelled as a Muslim based party. The CDU, whose chair is a Muslim and former minister of National Education is based in the French-speaking Cameroonian province of the West, which is predominantly ethnic Bamileke. Furthermore, the Bamilekes are mostly Protestant or Roman Catholic or animists. But the CDU has little influence in the predominantly ethnic Bamileke section of the West province. Her influence is located in the Noun division of the west province.

Anglo -American and Breton wood institutions activisms in Cameroon ( part 2)

2011-11-01T05:03:00.002-07:00

The absence or out right refusal of major political parties to join the proposed government of “national union” was a quandary to Paul Biya and also to the Breton Wood Institutions. After the 1997 presidential elections, the Bretton Wood institutions and their protégé Paul Biya were in a dilemma. As for the radical opposition political parties, albeit the most representative and which was headed by the SDF, they were alone and unaided by her traditional Anglo-American supporters. For the Americans whose activism in the 90s, helped push and implement real democracy in Cameroon, had their minds elsewhere by 1997. Remember, I had early mentioned how startled I was, when the former US ambassador to Cameroon, Mr Charles H. Twining, told me in an interview that: “democracy in Cameroon, had taken a great leap forward”. The US government never wanted to chaperon the opposition any more, for they had their mind elsewhere. It was at a time, when China was making her presence felt on the African continent, and the Americans had to rethink and retool their strategy, especially that which concerns oil and other strategic minerals. Beside China, the other American competitor in Africa was France.

Even though France has a lot of influence in French-speaking Africa, she can’t compete with the Americans in any part of the continent, even in her former French colonies.The Americans are therefore not impressed about the French. For the French, besides nosing around, they don’t have any clearly define strategy in their former African colonies and former area of influence. However, before the 90s, France had a clear cut strategy in Africa, in particular in her former colonies. But currently, France doesn’t have any clearly defined African strategy. Furthermore, even if they had, they don’t have the economic means, spirit of sacrifice and not to mention the needed military capabilities. Any sustained military campaign that France would want to take, must have the support of the US and that of Great Britain. An example of how feeble the French presently are, in their former zone of influence, which is French-speaking Africa, they were almost thrown out of the exploitation of Chadian oil and also in the construction of the pipeline that passes through Cameroon. As for the US, their main preoccupation in Africa these days, is China and China’s activism in the vital and none vital parts of the continent. It might explain why, in 1997, the American government looked the other and allowed Paul Biya to embezzle the elections again.

For in the calculations of the Americans, with Biya in power, they will be able to develop a new strategic agreement and partnership in the West African sub region, especially within the Gulf of Guinea, which will be beneficial to them. This is so because, Nigeria, which the third largest economy in Africa and second largest in sub Saharan Africa, was entering a democratic phase, which has facilitated the emergence of a new crop of leaders. These new breed of politicians, were not ready to be American puppets as their older peers who were generally corrupt. Nigeria, it is well known to be the largest oil producer on the continent and also an ally of the Americans. But as mentioned earlier, there is a changing dynamics in Nigeria. The West African state was beginning to develop closer economic ties with China, aided by the new democratic dispensation. But it was a developement that was not appreciated in Washington DC. For in spite all the calls for good governance and democracy, Washington prefers governments that puts US interest first than governments that put the interest their local population as the fulcrum of their policy. But in spite all the sweeteners meant to hoodwink the opposition that were proposed by the Anglo-Americans, they could not ignore the deteriorating situation in the country.

Anglo -American and Breton wood institutions activisms in Cameroon

2011-10-30T06:56:00.000-07:00

Souleymane was waiting for another sign and he got it, when he got news that, even though the government had rigged the1997 presidential elections, they were worried. For the fact that, the opposition was challenging the results, might put them in an erroneous position with the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. But in other to appease these institutions and also the US and British governments, the government of Cameroon wanted to form a government of “national union”, in which, the opposition, especially the most representative, will be offered ministerial posts. That way, they (the government) thought, they will calm Bretton wood institutions and the Anglo-Americans, who were also agitating against them (government). Souleymane saw all those indices as signs that his time has come. But the Anglo-Americans and the Breton Wood institutions had an ambiguous rapport with the government of Cameroon and also with the opposition, in chief the SDF. They were ready or claimed that, they wanted to help Cameroon on her path to genuine democracy. But they gave conditions that were very difficult for the government to accept.

And as far as the masses that were already on a dire strait were concern, they never wanted to hear the mention of the name: Bretton Wood institutions. For in the the general opinion, they had killer pills or remedies called structural adjustment programmes. These institutions claimed that, their financial aid to any country was conditioned to good governance and the instauration and implementation of multiparty democracy. Perhaps according to them, good governance and multiparty democracy, which were never effective on the ground, were magic wands to stability and riches. The incongruity with Bretton woods institutions are that, they never cared whether their recommendations were put into practice or not. Bretton Wood institutions were the ones who advised the government of Cameroon to create a government of “national union” after the dubious October 1997 presidential elections. For they knew it will placate the masses and above all, remove some steam from the opposition, that was agitating against the re-election of Paul Biya. Bretton woods strategists in Cameroon knew that, the stratagem that they provided to the government of Paul Biya had a powerful PR effect on honest western NGOs fighting against poverty and corruption in Africa.

The Bretton Wood institutions tutored the government of Cameroon on how to hoodwink her own people and Western NGOs. Bretton Wood institutions also provided funding to the same government to equip and train anti-riot police and other specialised militarised groups to fight against protesters. The Breton Wood institutions were helping the government of Cameroon to put into practice the adage which says: “he who is ready or preparing for peace, must also be ready or must be preparing for war”. For they knew that, their proposal for a government of national union which might appease the masses and also help realised their goal of massive privatisation might backfire. Hence they had a large amount of funds for law and order in their financial packages to governments. In fact, the Breton Wood institutions are professional thieves or rogues with frightening immoral hearts. Their strategy after the dubious October 1997 was almost functioning. However their plans ran into problem. The problem that Bretton woods institution had was that, those who accepted to join the doubtful government of “national union”, were the wrong guys or underrepresentative political parties of the opposition.

Cameroon: profile of Soulaymane Mahamat and the Malian witchdoctor (part 8)

2011-10-28T02:45:00.000-07:00

They did not recruit Soulaymane Mahamat because of the political capital that they were to gain from him. But the truth is that, Soulaymane was recruited more because of the symbol that he stood for or represented and held within the geostrategic plans of the SDF. This is evident in the national metamophoses that the SDF went through, immediately Souleymane openly made up his decision to join the largest intra and extra parliamentary opposition. The SDF escaped the position of a regionalist, secessionist or purely English-speaking Cameroonian party and became a broad base political formation. Regionalist and secessionist political formation is the name tag, that the government had placed on the SDF, in it frantic attempt to turn away many French-speaking Cameroonians from joining it. Like most Cameroonians, Souleymane never knew or expected that, 14 years later, the SDF will still be in the political Sinai desert of Cameroon, in search of an apparently elusive promise land. Life as an opposition leader in Cameroon is difficult and strewn with temptations and humiliations. Souleymane had his fair share of humiliations. Nonetheless he resisted and stood in the shadows of his charismatic boss, John Fru Ndi. While John was hugely charismatic, Souleymane was the opposite and a tad distant.

He survived only by the largesse of his boss and generous members of the SDF. His life in the opposition was different from what he used to enjoy when he was working at SONARA. He had no chauffeur driven car and had no advantages. To be simple and claear, life was too difficult for Souleymane. His children were no longer living with him. His childern were living with his younger brother, because Soulaymane Mahamat could no longer afford anything for them. Concerning Soulaymane’s wife, respect requires that, I don’t mentioned how she became. What I am about to mention is very important. For it may help to understand or show that the rapport between John Fru Ndi and his deputy was a sane one. John Fru Ndi observing with pity how Souleymane was suffering, but resisted to make people know about his travails, he (John Fru Ndi) suggested to the executive organ of his party otherwise known as the National Executive Council (NEC), that, his number two be given a monthly salary. But as a proud man, he refused the assistance. Souleymane rejected the proposition that he become a salaried member of the SDF.

In 1997, at the peak of his difficulties, Souleymane Mahamat, during a trip to Yaoundé, came across a fortune-teller of Malian nationality. The Malian fortune-teller told him that, he had a bright future. But what Souleymane did not know was that, the Malian was more of a speculator than the witchdoctor or fortune-teller that he pretended to be. In spite the fact that the Malian was a fake fortune-teller, he was nevertheless the guru of several members of government. Furthermore, what he always told politicians in Cameroon, were what he knew, they wanted to hear. The Malian fortune-teller knew that most Cameroonian politicians and elites were always in search for ministerial positions. The Malian became famous because he once speculated on one little known politician and he was eventually appointed minister. Since then, he has becomes the one witchdoctor in Yaoundé, that every burgeoning politician runs to. It explained why, when the arch-architect of the plot to divide and destroy the SDF, Dr Takoudjou approached Souleymane to join them as their leader in the 1997 plot, Souleymane saw it also a sign that, the prediction of the Malian witchdoctor, who lives in the cosy Bastos neighbourhood in Yaoundé was correct.

Cameroon: Profile of Soulaymane Mahamat and Bernard Eding ( part 7)

2011-10-27T06:32:00.000-07:00

Souleymane truly liked his job and also knew that, as long as Ahidjo was president of the Republic, he was like the rock of Gibraltar in his post of finance director. Souleymane was the bright promising and constantly rising star of Northern Cameroonians. In 1981, he was sent again to France by the government of Cameroon, for a training course, that was aimed at preparing him to take over the mantle of general manger of SONARA. The post of general manager was held since the inauguration of SONARA on the 16^th of May 1981 by a White French man. The post of director general of SONARA would have been the coronation of the meteoric rise of Souleymane Mahamat, the cow Fulani, from the town of Maroua, located in the far north province. Unfortunately for him, when he returned from training, in France in October 1982, on the 4th of November of the same year, his mentor or protégé, late Ahmadou Ahidjo decided to quit the post of president of the Republic. But it was not entirely bad for Souleymane, for he still retained his initial post of financial director. However, the new president of Cameroon, Paul Biya, decided to appoint late Bernard Eding, who was serving since 1978 as deputy Director General, as the new head of SONARA.

Paul Biya, a Christian from the greater south, wanted to end the project of his predecessor, who wanted to appoint only Muslim of the greater northern region of the country, as head of strategic companies at the detriment of southerners. Bernard Eding the new boss of SONARA was a national or native of Bassaland and a Christian. Late Mr Bernard Eding, who became the Director General of SONARA from 1982 till his death, was born on the 5th of March 1940 in Edea, Sanaga Maritime division of the Littoral province. He was a graduate of the Ecole Nationale des Industries Chimiques (ENSIC) of Nancy and the Ecole Supérieure du Petrole et des Moteurs (ENSPM) of Reuil-Malmaison, located in the Greater Paris region, France. He has worked with the Gabonese National Oil Refining Company SOGARA or Societe Gabonaise de Rafinage from 1967-1970 and with the French state owned oil exploration and exploitation company Elf-Serepca-Cameroon from 1976-1977[1]. But Souleymane Mahamat, who thinks and believes that he, was born to rule and not to be ruled, did not appreciate the appointment of Bernard Eding as the new Director General of SONARA. Hence he decided in1990 or 1991 to join the opposition Social Democratic Front (SDF).

It must be made clear that, Soulaymane Mahamat did not join the SDF because he admired the courage and project or manifesto of the SDF. He joined the SDF because of two things. First he was disappointed that, he was not offered the post of Director General of SONARA and secondly, those who recruited him on behalf of the SDF promised him that, should they win the 1992 presidential elections, he will be given the post of finance minister. Like most Cameroonians in the 90s, Souleymane was convinced that the government of Paul Biya will fall and will be replaced democratically by the SDF. The decision of Souleymane to adhere to the opposition SDF did not go down well with the government. It was considered as a treasonable felony. He was immediately sacked from SONARA. Paradoxically for the government, her decision to dismiss Souleymane from SONARA instead had a boomerang effect. All of a sudden, a man who was known only within government circles and elites of the far north became a national hero. He even stole for while, the position of star political figure of the country that was enjoyed then by John Fru Ndi. Souleymane Mahamat might after reflections, be accused today of opportunism, but the SDF that recruited him was equally opportunistic.

Cameroon: profile of Soulaymane Mahamat and the objective that Ahmadou Ahidjo had for Cameroon (part 6)

2011-10-25T03:17:00.000-07:00

However when news reached late Amadou Ahidjo that, the father of Souleymane was preparing his son for a trip to Saudi Arabia, in order for junior Soulaymane to become an Imam, he (Ahidjo) is claimed to have cried: “what a waste!” He ordered for senior Souleymane to be brought to Yaoundé along with junior Souleymane, immediately they were back from their tour of northern Nigeria. When the Souleymanes came back from their Nigerian trip, they were directly flown to Yaoundé, where they met with the late former head of state. But when Ahidjo proposed to senior Souleymane that, the state wanted to send Souleymane to France for further education instead of Saudi Arabia, he (senior Soulaymane) refused. But when Ahidjo persuaded him in Fulani language that, his was to study first to Yaoundé and later on to France, where he will be groomed or trained and upon completion, he will come back to Cameroon to rule over the Christians, senior Soulaymane accepted Ahidjo’s offer. But senior Souleymane still wanted an imam in his family, for it was a hallmark of a noble family to have an imam in their fold, hence Souleymane’s younger brother was send to Saudi Arabia. The deal proposed by late president Amadou Ahidjo to the father of Souleymane shows how the trajectory of Souleymane Mahamat changed.

He came to Yaoundé and registered at the School administration and Magistracy, better known in it French acronym as ENAM and upon graduation, he continued his education in France. Thereafter, he came back to Cameroon and was given the strategic post of director of finance at the National Oil refining Company in Victoria. Although he was the financial director, he was being groomed to replace the White French man who was the director general. It is an understatement to stress hereon that, Souleymane Mahamat was the eyes and ears of Ahmadou Ahidjo at SONARA. As soon as Souleymane Mahamat began working at SONARA, in Victoria, he abandoned the virtuous religious track in which he was brought up. Others will refer or identify him as a moderate muslem, but for a person groomed within strict Islamic tradition and was programmed to become a Muslim cleric quickly, his transformation was tantamount to blasphemy. But moderate Islam or Muslim is a euphemism used to refer to all those who are not practising the Mohammedan faith as required. I really can’t tell or write the following with authority, but I have heard that, practising Muslims can marry Christians or Jews provided they practice their faith as indicated by their religion. But Souleymane was married to a Roman catholic who was a Roman Catholic only by name.

Furthermore, it appears as though, Islam also prohibits the consumption or abusive consumption of alcohol. But Souleymane who claimed to be a devout Muslim was an inveterate alcoholic. And finally, while Islam condones polygamy but prefers monogamy and faithfulness, Souleymane was married to one wife, but he was a monumental womaniser. However, the fact that Souleymane Mahamat was no longer a practising Muslim, but bagged the enviable secular tag of a moderate, a tag that was nevertheless abhorred by theocracy and theocrats. In spite the excesses of Soulaymane, it was of no concern to Ahmadou Ahidjo and it was of no danger to his post provided he (Souleymane) drew the necessary line between his job and his private life. Souleymane truly liked his job and also knew that, as long as Ahidjo was president of the republic, he was like the rock of Gibraltar in his post of finance director. Souleymane was the bright promising and constantly rising star of Northern Cameroonians. In 1981, he was sent again to France by the government of Cameroon for a training course that was aimed to prepare him to take over the mantle of general manger of SONARA.

Cameroon: profile of Soulaymane Mahamat and the objective that Ahmadou Ahidjo had for Cameroon(part 5)

2011-10-24T01:36:00.000-07:00

This might be considered by some as fatuous; especially those who did or do not still comprehend the objective that Ahmadou Ahidjo had for Cameroon. Late Ahidjo was a witty politician, who marketed himself as a patriotic “pan-Cameroonian”, who was above the melee of inconsequential regional and tribal politics. But the reality was that, Ahidjo was preparing for a long domination of the political scene in Cameroon, by Muslims from the greater north, his region of origin. Ahidjo is believed to be very suspicious of people of the greater south Cameroon and he made no distinction between English or French-speakers. He had two fundamental grievances against people of the greater south. Concerning the English-speaking Cameroonians, he hated them, because of their independent spirit and readiness to challenge him, whereas with the French-speaking southerners, who were working in his administration, he consided them to be fickle and flighty. It was in line with Ahidjo’s strategy to place northerners in strategic positions in the country, which made him to short list Souleymane Mahamat for a post within Cameroon’s lone Oil refinery that was under construction in Victoria (Limbe). For the exploration of oil along the coast of Cameroon and in particular within the Anglophone coast, had been carried out by the French exploration and exploitation company, Elf.

Oil and oil refining are strategic and Ahidjo never wanted that such a strategic company should be controled by Christian southerners. The other reason why Ahidjo never wanted to hand strategic post of responsibilities within “SONARA” to any Christian southerner was because; the explorable oil deposit and the lone oil refinery were located in Anglophone Cameroon. He thought that, even though there was a distinctive cultural and linguistic difference between Anglophone southerners and Francophone southerners, he (Ahidjo) considered that, they could easily team up against him, hence his reticence. Amadou Ahidjo had little or no confidence in the loyalty of Anglophones. He (Ahidjo) never even had confidence in anglophones who were working with him or were members of his government. Hence he could not appoint any at the head of any strategic company in the country. He also never had total confidence in French-speaking Cameroonian from Southern Francophone Cameroon. But ironically, he had confidence in French-speaking Whites, hence when the “Societe Nationale de Rafinage or (SONARA)” or the National refining Company was opened in Victoria, its pioneer head was a White French and the head of finance department was a French-speaking Cameroonian, from Northern Cameroon and a Muslim.

Cameroon: profile of Soulaymane Mahamat (part 4)

2011-10-21T07:25:00.000-07:00

He decided that such a brilliant son would not serve the government of Cameroon but God. Senior Soulaymane wanted Junior Souleymane to become an imam. But it was not easy for a child who had the experience of Souleymane Mahamat, to be attracted to a theocratic service as his father had wanted. Even though Soulaymane Mahamat had strong western influence via his western secular education, his father was nonetheless mindful that, his son had an ingrained admiration for Islam and the history of their nation or tribe (Fulanis). Hence, senior Souleymane decided to flicker the religious vocation that he thinks or thought, was hidden in his son by using a clever strategy... He decided that, during every school vacation, he (senoir Soulaymane) will take his son to Nigeria, in order for him to visit the old Kano city, which was built around the 12 century AD. During their Nigerian tour, the Soulaymanes did not only visit Kano, but they also visited old Sokoto and in Sokoto, they visited the tomb of Osman Dan Fodio. Father Souleymane knew that, by visiting the Islamic holy sites in the cities and states of Northern Nigeria and realising the excursion in luxurious buses, that were not yet available in Cameroon, his son will not only discover the tomb of one, if not the greatest black African jihadists, he will also discover the splendour of the Islamic faith.

Islam is a faith or religion that has contributed to build Africa and above all, brought literacy and pride to part of black Africa. Senior Soulaymane knew that after the northern Nigerian tours, his son will understand the importance not just to become a practising Muslim, but most importantly, to become an imam. But in Cameroon and elsewhere in the world, news travel fast. Late Amadou Ahidjo had long been informed about the brilliance of Souleymane Mahamat and he was also briefed that, Senior and Junior Souleymane were visiting northern Nigeria in preparation for the second to travel to Saudi Arabia for studies in Islamic and religious affairs. But Ahidjo who was dominated and surrounded by southerners, and who were above all Christians, had a diiferent paln for Soulaymane. Late Ahmadou Ahidjo was in search of bright young and educated Muslim northerners, in order to place them at strategic post of responsibilities in Cameroon’s administration. Souleymane Mahamat was therefore a suitable prototype of the kind of candidate that Ahidjo wanted. He was well educated and from a noble family, believed to be loyal and also supposedly difficult to corrupt as was the case with most southerners’, especially French-speaking ones.

Cameroon: profile of Soulaymane Mahamat and the doubtful ancentries of Ahmadou Ahidjo and Paul Biya (part 2)

2011-10-19T05:19:00.000-07:00

And these children, whose parents were humiliated by the former ruling class, were the ones who took over the mantle of leadership after independence. For they understood modern ere governance and also had western education and this change of status, created conflicts in most countries in Africa, wherein the former ruling class, lost their privileges to people they used to despise or rule. Concerning the ancestry of Ahmadou Ahidjo and other leaders of Cameroon or even the current president Paul Biya, whose ancestry is also put in doubt by the usual people, it has to mentioned that, prior to 1960, when borders where confirmed, there existed mass migration of African people from one part of the continent or region to the other. Furthermore, colonially drawn boundries have never posed any problems to African people. That might explain why, the parents of late president Ahidjo or current President Biya, may have either come from current Nigeria, Mali, Mauritania or Niger as claimed by people who are floating such information. Or in the case of Biya, it is claimed that, he is from Equatorial Guinea.

Such claims are basless and unfounded. For the questions that have to be asked to people floating the idea or information on the origins of people governing Cameroon are these: what is the native tongue of Biya and Ahidjo? Was the area that they are currently located in, configured in the same way before colonialism? Did Nigeria or Equatorial Guinea exist before the advent of colonialsm and the borders that they created? Concerning Ahidjo’s education, I don’t think he (Ahidjo) went to school more than most people of his generation and more so, who had the luck to be educated. While there is a strong controversy about the ancestry of late Ahmadou Ahidjo and also the rank that he may have had within his family and tribe, Souleymane Mahamat never had to confront such problems. He was from a well known Muslim aristocratic family and whose father wanted him to be educated in a western style. For his father foresaw the preponderant part that western education will play in modern French-speaking Cameroon. Hence Souleymane and his brothers and sisters were all educated. With all the divine privileges that Souleymane had, he never experienced difficulties when he was growing up.

He grew up with servants and was groomed by his father to be a leader. Souleymane was lucky that his father, although a noble and rich minority, who are proud of their glorious past and thus despises Europeans, he nevertheless made an effort to send his children amongst which was Souleymane, to attend the school of White men, this in order to achieve western education. It was not the case with other rich nobles of the greater north, which preferred sending their children to Koranic schools, where they are thought elementary Arabic. When Souleymane went to school, it turns out that, he was very brilliant and upon graduation from primary and secondary schools, he was trilingual. He spoke fluent French, English and Arabic. Not forgetting that, he also spoke Fulani and Hausa languages. His father sensing that his son was brilliant, he developed reflects that was thought to have left him long ago. He decided that such a brilliant son would not serve the government of Cameroon but God. Senior Soulaymane wanted Junior Souleymane to become an imam. But it was not easy for a child who had had the experience of Souleymane to be attracted to a theocratic service as his father wanted.

Cameroon: Profile of Soulaymane Mahamat (pioneer SDF 1st national vice chair

2011-10-18T09:47:00.000-07:00

He is a Fulani native from the Far North province of Cameroon. He claims, like most people of his nationality or tribe, to be a descendant of Osman Dan Fodio. Osman Dan Fodio was a Muslim Fulani jihadist, who spread Islam in West Africa and on the sideline; he created one of the largest mediaeval African Empire called Sokoto Empire. The epicentre of Osman Dan Fodio’s empire was Sokoto, which is in present day Northern Nigeria. I don’t know whether it is true that Souleymane Mahamat was a direct descendant of Osman Dan Fodio and I also see no reason to doubt his aver. For Souleymane has personally told me that, their family was a direct offspring of the warrior and religious man, from Sokoto. He also claimed that, Osman Dan Fodio was a direct descendant of the Moroccan ruling royal family. And since the Moroccan royal family also claims to be descendants of Prophet Mohammed, Souleymane can therefore trace his ancestry to the founded of Islam. Souleymane Mahamat was born with a golden spoon in his mouth. For he was lucky that Ahmadou Ahidjo, Cameroon’s president then, was also a Muslim and a Hausa Fulani from the same region, but not from the same town. But late Ahidjo was also a petty aristocrat from the Greater north, who is claimed to be a on his paternal side, a Northern Nigerian from Minna, Niger state or Kano and his mother a native of Garoua.

But there is a lot of ambiguity about the parental ancestry of late Amadou Ahidjo. While it is generally rumoured with vigour that, he was a Nigerian via his father, there are others who claim that, his father came from Chad, Mauritania, Mali or Niger. It is bewildering why there is this obsession about people’s ancestry in Cameroon, especially with those who hold top functions in the government. This obsession with trying to know the geneology of those governing cameroonians potrays two things: First, it shows that, Cameroonians don’t fully understand their country and also that, it was only after the 60s that people in most of Africa grapped the sense of modern nations as dictated by Europeans. And second, we have not yet fully studied and understand our society. But in the greater north of Cameroon and in other parts of the country and also on the continent at large and this in this in particular, during colonialism, it was the children from lower caste or even slaves or those who were minority settling Negro communities on the coast, that went to school and took education seriously. And these children whose parents were humiliated by the former ruling class were the ones who took over the mantle of leadership after independence.

Cameroon: How Dr Moise Albert Njambe became "the independent mediator of the Republic" ( part 3)

2011-10-17T03:52:00.000-07:00

But at thesame time, the government wanted to create a government of “national union” or “nationalconsensus” that will include members of the opposition and in particular theSDF. However, it was a difficult task to contact the SDF directly or the othertwo members of the radical opposition. For the government never knew how theywill react, because, should they (opposition) refuse, the government was toloose her face and it will justify the general feeling that she is illegitimateand might spark riots. Before the storyon how the government finally won or destroy the “trio of radical oppositionparties”, led by the SDF, NUDP and CDU, I will like to focus first onSouleymane Mahamat, the pioneer first national vice chair of the SDF. I will alsonarrate how he (Soulaymane) was lured to join the rebelleous fringe of hisparty. But I will like to point out that, my little experience with politiciansand politics in Cameroon has made me to conclude that,politicians are a special breed of people, living in a completely differentworld. They often take themselves or think that, they are more brilliant thanthose who are not part of their club. And most often, their so-called clubresembles more of a collection of dubious heartless men and women.

Their worldis synonymous to a wild world, wherein animals eat each other up and survivalis achieved only through brutal force and mutual deceit. The animal worldnonetheless is better off, because they have rules that are respected. But Cameroonianpoliticians are mostly lawless. Their goal is power or and ministerial post. Inthe animal kingdom, just like in politics, respect is given only to the burlyand bully. The meek and weak ones or losers are destroyed mercilessly and eatenup by their very own relations. The spectacle of bestiality which I saw,especially how Souleymane Mahamat was treated, when he lost his tug of war withJohn Fru Ndi was pathetic. He was almost lynched. The way Souleymane Mahamatwas insulted and denigrated, this by those who would have sang his praise andsupported him had he succeeded, consolidated my thoughts that, politicians wereworst than pigs and dogs. Both animals mightbe loyal, but they also have nauseating unpredictable characters. If insultscould kill, then Souleymane would have long died. But insults don’t kill but onthe contrary, it educates the insulted. Souleymane Mahamat, whom I have met onseveral occasions, is a taciturn man with deep convictions religiously andpolitically.

Cameroon: How Moise Albert Njambe became the "independent mediator of the Republic"

2011-10-16T03:18:00.000-07:00

He also hadno desire to become a government minister. For if he had wanted, he would havelong been offered a ministerial position. For he had several opportunities andthe head of state personally proposed to offer him the post of secretary ofstate at the ministries of agriculture and finance. Both offers were rjected by Moise AlbertNjambe.What Njambe loves most is his country. He is patriotic. He is loyal andnot driven by any form of mercantilism. Hence whenever he starts a project, hewants it to succeed and he hates to see people suffer. It may partly explainwhy, he is in the micro-credit business and helps many disadvantaged persons.It is his humane attitude that made him to stand by Souleymane Mahamat, evenafter he (Souleymane) had disappointed him. But the attitude of Soulaymane Mahamat toward Moise Albert Njambe almostdestroyed his reputation and made him to bleed financially. Coming back to theplot to destroy the SDF, the man presented as the leader and brainchild of therevolt was Souleymane Mahamat. But the reality was different. For Souleymanewas a straw man who was easily manipulated by the real ideologues of themovement namely: Dr Takoudjou, Kebila and late Jean Tchoua MP.

But thearch-ideologue in the plot to divide the SDF was Dr Christophe Takoudjou, whoseBastos neighbourhood villa, became the headquarters and meeting point of all thosewho hated the John Fru Ndi. Souleymane Mahamatalso had a capacity to lead a double life. For in spite the fact that he was incontact with those who were plotting to unseat the chair of his party and thuspaving the way for her fragmentation, he still had the aptitude to maintain anOlympian claim. He still had cordial relationship with John Fru Ndi andmaintained an excellent contact with his official party, the SDF. Perhaps he actedthe way he did because after the October 1997 elections, the situation in thecountry was uptight. John Fru Ndi had two fronts to command and fight: anational one via the group of “three opposition parties” that had boycotted thecharade called presidential elections and he equally had to make sure that, thegroup’s union stands, while his second front was within his own party. John FruNdi had to restrain or control the situation and if necessary use all means to quellthe brewing crisis whose causes and leaders were shadowy. While the trio ofJohn, Bello and Adamu were multiplying rallies around the country to show theirsolidarity and determination, the government was also not sleeping. She wasbusy trying to weaken the union of the “radical three” and within theirindividual parties; she also sowed the seed of dissent.

Cameroon: How Moise Albert Njambe became "independent mediator of the Republic" (part 2)

2011-10-05T23:18:00.000-07:00

Paul Biya selectedMartin Belinga Eboutou, who was at that time, director of the civil cabinet atthe presidency of the republic as his representative with whom Njambe had todeal or report to. Mr Belinga was Biya’s point man who was in in contact withthe radical opposition parties, in particular the SDF. This was so because, thepresident of the republic and ideologues of his regime, had little or no fearfor other political parties in Cameroon besides the SDF. The regime feared the SDF because; it had aformidable nuisance capacity than almost all other opposition political parties.Hence the government wanted the SDF in her planned government of national union.The government was in dire need to form a “government national union” becauseshe wanted to appease the anger that was festering in country after thecontroversial October 1997 presidential elections. But the government was oftwo minds. She wanted an SDF that was divided and weakened. It was the doubledesires and contradictions of the government that did not facilitate themediation action embarked upon by Dr Moise Albert Njambe. It must be streesedout that, the mediation between the SDF and the government was initiated byPaul Biya himself and it was to remain a secret deal.

In spitethe variations and ambiguity of the government in her desire to dialogue with Cameroon’s largest intra and extraparliamentary opposition, Mr Njambe nonetheless registered some successes. Hissuccess did not come from his mediation between the government and SDF, but ona different front. For he was the onewho convinced the head of state via Mr Martin Belinga Eboutou to accept BelloBouba Maigari, chair of NUDP and Professor Henri Hogbe Nlend, chair of afaction of the UPC to join the December 1997 government of “National Union”,which was short of the initial ambitions and desires of Njambe and the head ofstate Paul Biya. The ambitions of Paul Biya to create an inclusiverepresentative did not materialise because the SDF was absent in the December1997 government. Moise Albert Njambe is far from what many people especiallythe press in Cameroon some time claim or writes about him.He never wanted to destroy the SDF and he has no sponsors. For it was widelyrumoured that, his main sponsor was the French state owned oil company Total,formerly represented in Cameroon by the controversial Elf. But thetruth is that, Dr Moise Albert Njambe had a different source of funding and notthe French oil giant as widely claimed.

Cameroon: How Moise Albert Njambe became "independent mediator" of the Republic

2011-10-03T05:36:00.000-07:00

MoiseAlbert Njambe has two fundamental objectives: the fight against poverty and thepromotion of peace and democracy in Cameroon. He is of the opinion that, inorder to attend both: that is; the fight against poverty and the attainment ofpeace, democracy in Cameroon, must be consolidated. But in orderfor democracy to succeed, he thinks and believes that, it is through a strongopposition party. Hence, he doesn’t appreciate the multiplicity of oppositionparties in Cameroon and whenever he can, he tries tomediate whenever there is a brewing crisis amongst members of the mainopposition political formations. Although it was in 1997 and 1998, that hebecame known to the public via his attempt to mediate between the disputingcamps of the SDF, he had already carried out the same mediation within the UPCin the 90s, in a bid to avoid the oldest political party in French-speaking Cameroon from falling apart or break up intofactions. But he did not succeed to avoid or prevent the UPC from fallingapart. The UPC had to split into twogroups and later on three: UPC Ntumazah, UPC Kodock and UPC Hogbe. Moise AlbertNjambe is a pioneer in micro credit in Cameroon and also the best specialist in Cameroon in the fight against poverty.

He is alsoamongst the first persons who began opening micro-credit banks or banks of thepoor in Cameroon. The bank for the poor was theinspiration by Professor Mohammad Yonus of Bangladesh. Dr Njambe met once with theBangladeshi Banker of the poor during a summer school at Harvard. Mr Njambe isan honest man, but a tad idealistic. Perhaps it is a trait that he inherited fromhis parents who n are Jehovah’s witnesses. A faith that he still claims to belongto but he seldom practices or attend their meetings. But his second failure,this time around, to avoid the attempted split of the SDF, made him to realisethat, politicians in Cameroon are a special crop of people. Fromhis experience with mediation amongst the various factions of the SDF, he cameto the conclusion that, most politicians are dishonest, disloyal, opportunisticand unthankful. For he was the one who immediately after presidential electionsof October 1997 contacted the head of state Paul Biya to offer his services tomediate or better still, serve as a go between, amongst the government and theradical opposition, in particular the SDF. The head of state accepted fasterthan he (Njambe) expected, because he the (head of state) was afraid of thetense atmosphere in the country after the elections and which might degenerate.

Cameroon: profile of Dr Moise Albert Njambe, the independent mediator of the Republic

2011-09-28T07:59:00.000-07:00

Dr MoiseAlbert Njambe

As you readon, you will discover the part, played by Dr Moise Albert Njambe, to preventthe SDF from facing her first real possibility of break up in 1997. Beforegoing deep into the details of the 1997 plot to destroy the SDF, a scheme ledby the trio or the quad already mentioned and whose design climaxed in December1998. Those who led the 1997 rebellionor the attempt to break up the SDF later bore the famous or infamous name tag:“Souleymane Group”. It is best to first know who really Dr Moise Albert Njambeis. He was born on the 21st of November 1957 in the village of Sakbayeme, Sanaga Maritime division of theLittoral province.

Even thoughhe was born in the Sanaga Maritime division, he grew up in the Wouri divisionof the same province, precisely in Douala in a neighbourhood called CiteSIC-Cacao. He did his primary and secondary education in Douala and his University education inYaoundé and came back to Douala to attend a school of commercecalled Ecole Supérieure des Science Economique (ESSEC). He went to Canada to continue his education at HEC ofMontreal, where he obtained a Masters degree in Business Administration (MBA).He came back to Cameroon and was given a teaching post atESSEC as an adjutant lecturer. A post he held from 1986-92. But he resigned histeaching job to join the state owned print media Cameroon Tribune in an administrativeposition. In 1994, he resigned fromCameroon Tribune or its publishin house SOPECAM, to create a micro-creditorganisation called Credit Communautaire-Africa (Crecom-Africa). In 1995,hecreated or founded, a consultancy firm called International Consulting andResearch (ICR) and since 1998 he is the chair of SOS Dialogue, a network of NGOs of countries of the CEMAC*region[1].

Cameroon:John Fru Ndi, a man who knows to sing his Praise

2011-09-27T23:27:00.000-07:00

John FruNdi is a man who knows how to sing his own praise, especially about hisvictories and his resistance to the offers and approaches from the government.Some times, his successes and resistence to the offers from the government arereal or fruits of his imagination. John Fru Ndi has succeeded to mystify hisactions to a point that, the government is afraid to approach him and alsoattempts to use the same tactics. It may explain why, every now then, there arerumours and counter rumours on alleged negotiations or planned secret meetingsbetween Paul Biya and John Fru Ndi. The government uses such tactics, becauseJohn Fru Ndi starts all his political rallies by declaring that, on so and sodate, a government minister called or wanted to meet him. He also crows aroundthat, he has rejected a number of offers to join the government. His declarationson the number of offers from the government that he has turned down are aimedat boosting the confidence that the people have in him. For ordinaryCameroonians know that, many in his position won’t turn down any offer from thegovernment. But I am aware of two occasions, when the government of Cameroon was desperate to have John Fru Ndior any person claiming to be an SDF top militant join the government. It was in1997 and early 1998.

In thosecases, it was because the government was afraid that, after her fraudulentOctober 1997 presidential elections, there were greater chances that, thecountry could tilt toward the pre-1990 turbulent periods. The fear of thegovernment was motivated by the fact that, three main opposition political partieshad boycotted the presidential elections. Their boycott was a configurationreminiscent of the 90s. But things or the centrifugal forces of the oppositionwere no longer the same as in the 90s. Even though the SDF had weathered anumber crisis before; that of 1997 was a wearisome period for the party and itschair John Fru Ndi in particular. John Fru Ndi had to show that he was not onlymagnanimous with those leading the rebellion, but also that, he was a strongleader. The other challenge that john Fru Ndi had was that of the configurationand composition the rebels. The 1997 rebellion could not easily be presented asa mutiny led by proud educated elites, with their eternal desire to confrontand snub the ordinary poor masses. John Fru Ndi could not transform therebellion as a fight between the elites and the poor masses. This time around,he had to show that he was a leader that could preserve the unity of the party.Thus making it a strong block, not only capable to negotiate with thegovernment, should the need arise, but make the party emerge as an entity or amovement that is ready to rule Cameroon. The challenge for the SDF wasenormous, for other political parties such as the NUDP or the UPC had implodedpartly because of the similar problems that she (SDF) was confronting in 1997.

The SDF, asalready mentioned, had survived several attempts ochestrated by the goverenmentto divide her. But the problem that she was facing with the revolt of 1997 wasmore intriguet. This so because, it was led and masterminded by an excellentand determined strategist called Dr Takoudjou Christophe. He was a formermember of the SDF, who had been expelled for alleged antiparty activities andhad created his own party called Movement des Batisseurs Africain (MBA). He was determined to break-up the SDF andalso ridicule the chair of the party. But the SDF survived his onslaught becauseof the tenacity of the loyal members of the party and a mixture brilliant politicalmanagement and the threat of a spectre violence that John Fru Ndi had floated.But he also had an indirect and voluntary help from Dr Moise Albert Njambe, theself style “independent mediator” of Cameroon, chair of an NGO called SOSDialogue and owner of newspaper called “Politiks”. I am sure that, because ofthe individual pride of the cadres of the SDF, especially loyal backers of JohnFru Ndi, such as Joseph Mbah Ndam MP, who is the de facto leader of the intraparliamentary opposition, the SDF emerged unscathered from the 1997 rebellion.But Joseph Mbah Ndam and other SDF cadres never accepted the 1997 help fromMoise Albert Njambe to consolidate the unity of their party.

Cameroon: John Fru Ndi, his strategy of juxtaposing the poor against the rich

2011-09-21T11:28:00.000-07:00

In 1991 orone year after the May 26^th 1990 bloody lauch of the SDF in Bamenda,it was John Fru Ndi who applied for the legalisation of the SDF. In doing so,he became the pioneer chairman of the largest and best organised oppositionparty in post unification Cameroon. And in my opinion, theintellectuals within the SDF discovered that, it would have been almost impossiblefor the population to accept a different leader of their party other than JohnFru Ndi. It is therefore believed or suspected that, after the John Fru Ndisupposed coup, there was a kind of secret agreement between John Fru Ndi and asection of reactionary intellectuals within the SDF. If such an aggreement everexisted or was signed, it may have stated that, after the 1992 presidentialelections, he (John Fru Ndi) will step down to make way for Bernard Muna totake over the mantle of leadership of the SDF. But that supposed deal neverhappened because Mr Ndi changed the power structure within the party and indoing so, diminished the powers that the general secretariat led by aninterllectual had. The changed of power dynamics within the SDF sparked thevery first internecine conflict between the office of the chair and the officeof the general secretariat headed then by late Dr Siga Asanga. And in thatbattle, just like many others that followed, it was John Fru Ndi who came outvictorious.

For he wasable to make the internal power struggle appear as that pitting the poor massesthat he represents against the powerful, arrogant and corrupt few elite,represented by intellectuals. John Fru Ndi even went an extra mile in time ofinternal conflicts, to claim that, intellectuals of his party who werechallenging him were not different from members of the ruling party, who were moreoften well educated and affluent. His strategy of juxtaposing the poor againstthe rich and the educated few against massive illitrate population, has workedtremendously well to his advantage. It was mindful of John Fru Nd’s political pedigree,which made me to conclude that the 1997 rebellion within the party would turninto his advantage. For he was the only leading opposition leader in Cameroon who has succeeded the feat of transforming a partythat he was brought into as a straw man of the educated, into his personalformidable fighting tank. The only other politician who had the sameopportunity was late Samuel Eboa, pioneer chair of National Union for Democracyand Progress (NUDP). But late Samuel Eboa failed woefully in his attempt totransform the NUDP.

Cameroon: Bernard Muna

2011-09-14T12:09:00.000-07:00

Even thoughthere have been rumours that John Fru Ndi has or is collaborating with thegovernment, there are no evidence to substanciate such allegations. It might bemere destabilisation tactics from his opponents and also from the same government.For Cameroonians believe that John Fru Ndi is honest and patriotic. But thesecret of the power and popularity of John Fru Ndi comes from the fact that, heis despised by the intellectuals within and without his party. Hence, he hastransformed the SDF into a party for the masses and a formidable political steamroller,which smashes anything on its way. The Anglophone intellectuals who created theSDF and opted for John Fru Ndi as its leader, thought that, he was a bozo, whowould be used as a canon fodder. It may explain why, at the launch of the SDFon the 26th of May 1990 Mr Ndi was handed the responsibility to head or lead therally on that fateful day. For it was expected that, he would be killed by thesecurity forces, that were present on that day in Bamenda, because thedemonstration had been banned by the authorities.

Bernard A.Muna

The man whowould have logically headed the party was Bernard Muna, a childhood friend ofJohn Fru Ndi. Bernard A. Muna is first son of late Solomon Tendeng Muna MP,former Prime minister of West Cameroon, vice president of the Federal Republic and United Republic of Cameroon andlong standing speaker of the parliament of Cameroon.

But Munadid not take the leadership of the May 26th 1990 demonstration because he was likemost intellectuals, afraid and certain that John Fru Ndi will be assassinated.His eventual martyrdom would have been used as rallying cry, which would haveunited all Anglophones and Francophone Cameroonians against the regime of PaulBiya. Bright as the SDF founding intellectuals were, or as they thought, thechairmanship of the SDF was to be an honorary position in case Mr Ndi was notkilled. The real power of the party would be in hands of the secretary generaland the one manning the post was late Dr Siga Asanga, who was the uncle of MrNdi. As fate will have it, John Fru Ndi was not killed on the 26th of May 1990, even though six demonstrators were killed and many others maimed andit was the turning point within the SDF.

Cameroon: What makes John Fru Ndi powerful and popular

2011-09-09T09:05:00.000-07:00

There areseveral reasons why John Fru Ndi has succeeded at the head of the SDF and hasalso resisted the attraction to join the government. The first being that, likemost Anglophones, he hates and isexhausted with the Francophone elites, who have been ruling Cameroon since theunification of 1961. John Fru Ndi is like most Cameroonians and Anglophones inparticular. He is of the opinion that, English-speaking Cameroonians from theformer British administered territory, must also be given a chance to rule. ButJohn Fru Ndi is not an Anglophone nationalist. He is a moderate Anglophone, whohe thinks that, both linguistic entities that constitute modern day Cameroon can stay together in one countryprovided there is mutual respect. John Fru Ndi is also of the opinion that, formodern and united Cameroon to withstand the test of time, bothentities must respect to the letter, the spirit of the October 1st 1961 unificationtreaty. The October 1^st 1961 treaty made way or produced afederal Cameroon, wherein, the Anglophone region hada large autonomy.

However hisbelieve in “pancameroonianism” doesn’t go down well with some AnglophoneCameroonians, who thought that, the SDF was just one stage in their fight for aseparate independent homeland. John Fru Ndi’s approach toward Cameroon may partly explain why he has afrosty relationship with the Anglophone umbrella pro-independence group: Southern Cameroon’s National Council (SCNC) and mostpro-SCNC members within the SDF such as late Dr Martin Luma and Dr Nfor NgallaNfor. Currently Dr Nfor Ngalla Nfor heads the foreign affair commission of SCNCand he doubles as vice chair of the same organisation. The second reason whyJohn Fru Ndi has not capitulated to the advances or appeals of the government isbecause, he is a rich businessman and he is not into politics to become rich orchange his social status as it is the case with a majority of those who are inpolitics in Cameroon. And finally, what might also have prevented John Fru Ndifrom acting the way other opposition party leaders have done is the fact that,he is attached to the ordinary masses and the masses love him to a point that,any attempt to join the government not as head of state will be interpreted astreachery. If John Fru Ndi ever joins the government on a shody or juniorposition, it is likely that, he will be assassinated, for he won’t be pardoned bythe masses as they have done with other politicians.

Libya Receiving $1.5 Billion in Financial Assets Frozen in U.S.

2011-09-09T08:52:00.000-07:00

By Stephen Kaufman | Staff Writer | 26 August 2011

As Libyans celebrate the end of the Qadhafi regime, U.S. officials are urging countries to release frozen Libyan assets to help meet the country's urgent needs.

Washington — The United States is releasing $1.5 billion in Libyan assets that had been frozen under U.N. sanctions directed against Muammar Qadhafi’s regime, and Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton urged other countries that are holding Libyan assets to expedite their release.

“We have secured the release of $1.5 billion in Libyan assets that had been frozen in the United States. This money will go toward meeting the needs of the people of Libya,” Clinton said in an August 25 statement.
“We urge other nations to take similar measures. Many are already doing so,” she said.
The political transition from Qadhafi’s 42-year rule is being led by Libya’s Transitional National Council (TNC). Clinton urged the council to “fulfill its international responsibilities and the commitments it has made to build a tolerant, unified, democratic state — one that protects the universal human rights of all its citizens.”
Financial analysts have estimated that nearly $110 billion in Libyan assets is frozen in banks worldwide, according to press reports.

State Department spokeswoman Victoria Nuland told reporters August 25 that the $1.5 billion represents the TNC’s “assessment of their urgent needs.”

She said U.S. and TNC officials have been working for weeks on how to release the funds. “We’ve been sitting with the TNC and taking them through the necessary safeguarding and auditing processes. We have high confidence that this is the right amount from us now, and that we have set in place structures and ways to ensure that this money gets to the right people and is used … for humanitarian and civilian needs,” she said.
One-third of the money will be used for “urgent humanitarian needs,” with $120 million paying U.N. agencies for the services they are already providing in Libya and the remaining $380 million “held for future needs that will come through the U.N. system as the Libyan people and the TNC assess what would be appropriate,” Nuland said.

A second portion of $500 million will go for civilian fuel needs associated with electricity and desalination, particularly in hospitals and other public facilities, Nuland said. About $300 million of the funds will reimburse entities that have been helping Libya meet its civilian fuel needs, and the remaining money will be held to pay future civilian fuel bills.

The last third of the money will be deposited in the temporary financial mechanism (TFM) that was established by the Libya Contact Group to facilitate financial contributions and in-kind assistance to the TNC.“That money will be held in the TFM, and the Libyan people will be able to draw on it to meet needs in the following three categories: health, education and urgent food needs,” Nuland said. “As the TNC establishes its requirements in these areas, comes up with bills that need paying in the area of health, education and food, it will be able to submit those bills to the TFM steering board for payment.”
Nuland said the focus on humanitarian needs, civilian fuel and funding the TFM are priorities that the Libyans themselves made.

“They are based on their assessment of what their people need, not only in the areas that they controlled, but also in Tripoli and other places where they’ve had contacts throughout this crisis,” she said.
The TNC is working to establish an interim government and extend its control throughout the country. Nuland said previous transitional states have shown they can establish effective governing institutions, but it requires hard work.

“We have to remember what this country’s been for 42 years — a state where the only rule of law came out of the head of Qadhafi. So they’ve got work to do. They’re going to need international support as they do it,” she said.

(This is a product of the Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State. Web site: http://iipdigital.usembassy.gov/iipdigital-en/index.html)

Cameroon: Profile of John Fru Ndi, chair of the Social Democratic Front

2011-09-05T02:52:00.000-07:00

But who is John Fru Ndi that his detractors present at worst as a dangerous illiterate and at best, as a cheap opportunistic bookseller? John Fru Ndi is an English-speaking Cameroonian from the north of Anglophone Cameroon otherwise known as the North West province. He is a native Widikum, whose nation or tribe is divided into two major sub nationalities or clans: the menamos and the mogamos. They are found in the northern part of the the south west province or in Akwaya sub division and also in the north of Anglophone Cameroon or the North West province, precisely in the Momo and Mezam divisions. The widikums are equally considered as natives in other divisions of the North West province and they are also found in large number in other parts of Anglophone Cameroon and French-speaking Cameroon. Their principal occupation is farming. Legend has it that, they were enslaved by many other neighbouring coastal nations or tribes in modern Cameroon and modern coastal Nigeria. But the Widikums or the Mettas have a large pool of educated elites and they have always managed to occupy top political functions in both Cameroons. How they have managed to achieve such a feat in regard to their pass and the condescending consideration that others have for them is a miracle. It is in my opinion, a confirmation of their tenacity.

John Fru Ndi was born on the 7th of July 1941 in the village of Baba 11, Mezam division of the north of Anglophone Cameroon, which was administered then by Britain as part of eastern Nigeria. The northern region of British administered southern Cameroon’s is today known as the North West province. John Fru Ndi describes himself as a fighter: literally and virtually. But above and beyond any cliché, he is a successful businessman. He is the owner and manger of a group of bookshops present all over Anglophone Cameroon and also in the French-speaking Cameroonian cities of Douala and Yaoundé. The name of the Group of bookshops owned by John Fru Ndi is: Ebibi Group of Bookshops. John Fru Ndi is a holder of GCE Ordinary Levels certificate obtained in Nigeria at the Lagos City College in 1964. He loves sports and has been a former manager of PWD Bamenda Social Football Club and he was also a former member of the ruling CPDM party as a municipal councillor from 1970-90 . John Fru Ndi is therefore not an unlettered man or an ordinary book merchant as claimed by his detractors. He is a hard working Anglophone Cameroonian. Before owning his Ebibi Group of Bookshops, he had tried his hands at other ventures such as in agro industry and he opened an agricultural firm at Obang, a village located on the highway between Bamenda and Wum. But his adventure into agri-business did not register the same success that he had with his bookshops.

Cameroon: the plot to divide the SDF

2011-08-23T06:24:00.000-07:00

What proponents of that school of thought fail to understand is that, in any democracy, the people are the ones who choose their leaders and it is this clear democratic right, which some intellectuals or those who claim such title, have never accepted. Therefore, the first cause or reason why SDF is confronted with cyclical rebellion, is the divide that subsists within the party, between those who think that, their university education gives them the right to certain positions within the party and those who think that, it is through individual contributions within the party, that determines any pretensions to any post of responsibility within the party. Some intellectuals within the SDF do regularly challenge John Fru Ndi, when opportunity shows up on the ground that, he is not educated well enough. But is John Fru Ndi an unlettered man? No! He is well educated. Another reason behind of the recurrent problem within the SDF is the poverty that reigns in Cameroon. Most people did join the party with the hope that, it will soon win political power and since it has not yet won political power as they thought, they are disillusioned. Why? Simply because, most people take or consider political parties not as an instrument that proposes alternative governance views that are susceptible of changing the lives of the masses, but as a springboard for their individual social transformation.

In other words, political parties are regarded by some as a money making venture. And the government, mindful of that, roves around major political parties like a lion, in search of a prey to devour or of an intellectual or others willing to betray their political parties and convivtions, in exchange of money or a post that will give him/her wealth. But who is John Fru Ndi that his detractors present at worst as a dangerous illiterate and at best, as a cheap opportunistic bookseller? He is an English-speaking Cameroonian from the north of the Anglophone region, otherwise known as the North West province. He is a native Widikum, whose nation or tribe is divided into two major sub nationalities or clans: the menamos and the mogamos. They are found in the north of the south of Anglophone Cameroon or the south west province in the Akwaya sub division and also in the north of Anglophone Cameroon or the North West province in the Momo and Mezam divisions.

They are considered as natives in other divisions of the North West province and they are also found in large number in other parts of Anglophone and French-speaking Cameroon. Their main occupation is farming. Legend has it that, they were enslaved by many other neighbouring nations or tribes in ancien of the coastal parts of Cameroon and in coastal parts of Nigeria. But the Widikums or the Mettas have a large pool of educated elites. In addition, they have always managed to occupy top political functions in both former British Southern Cameroons and in the united modern Cameroons. How they have managed to achieve such as feat in regard to their pass and the condescending consideration that others have for them is a miracle. It is also a confirmation of their tenacity and trait that John Fru Ndi seems to embody in his fight to install democracy in Cameroon.

Cameroon: the plote to divide the SDF; the role played by the Souleymane Faction

2011-06-23T06:20:00.000-07:00

As already mentioned, it was certain that, in spite the meticulous preparations of the group that became known as the “Souleymane faction” to unseat the chair of the SDF or divide the party; they had or stood no chance of going any length than, what the national media coverage gave them. The SDF or it Conservative wing, which was in reality, its legitimate segment, was rock solid behind John Fru Ndi. But it is also well known that, ants don’t cross any stream without a link from one bank to the other. Therefore, there are two reasons or factors that encouraged Souleymane to head the group that wanted to destroy the SDF and thus make it to become another UPC at worst or at best, the NUDP. There is even a third reason why SDF was between 1997and 1998 on the verge collapse. And this third reason, which is or was perhaps the most important threatening factor, is or was the propensity of some SDF cadres or rank and file, to transform personal differences with their chair into internal political affairs. It was in my opinion, the root cause or one of the root causes of the near collapse of the SDF between 1997 and 1998. But I must once again repeat that, Souleymane’s led rebellion was not the first of it kind. Since the creation of the SDF, she has almost always had current and erstwhile militants, who have risened up or rebelled against their party, with an extravagant hope that, with the help of abundant media coverage, they will succeed in their selfish and sinister.

That goal to destroy the party or attempt to unseat its chair is still rampant today within the SDF, as it was from its creation. But sadly, all attempts to divide and equally unseat John Fru Ndi have failed. And bizzarely, all attempts by those who have theatrically left the SDF to create their own political parties have not succeeded in their enterprise. They have only succeeded to populate the graveyard of political parties, created by former members of the SDF. For the political village of Cameroon is not only difficult, she is treacherous. Most people or leaders of political parties, who were former members of the SDF, are almost always individuals, who enjoy the name tag: intellectual. It is a title that is so dearly loved in Cameroon by people with higher education. But there is a nuanced, for within the SDF hierarchy, every one is educated. Nuances only come in, if one becomes an intellectual because of the number of diplomas that he or she has or the level of education that he/she has attained? Or is one classified as an interlectual based on the accedemic contributions that he/she might have done or achieved? However, all I know is that, it is not the amount of diplomas that one has, which makes him/her an intellectual or a good a good politician or leader. For more often and which is one of the other reason why SDF is always in problems, there is a tendency or pretense in Cameroon that, only those with multiple diplomas, are fit to lead a political party or the country.

Cameroon: the plot to divide the SDF and role played by Souleymane Mahamat (part 7)

2011-06-12T00:48:00.002-07:00

They were willingly or inadvertently, fronting or acting as straw men to a much more organised group, that had the blessings of the government and which was led by late Jean Tchoua MP. The paradox here is that, Mr Tchoua was the SDF MP for Mongo north electoral constituency. The Mongo north electoral constituency is located in the town of Nkongsamba, which is situated in the Littoral province. It was in his home that, the final decision was taken to overthrow the chair of the SDF, using Souleymane Mahamat as their ring leader. Souleymane was used because; he had some legitimacy and stood greater chance of attracting some SDF MPs into their rebellion, especially those from the North West province. The other elite members of the rebellious group were Dr Takoudjou Christophe, a former member of the SDF. He is a brilliant academic and an astute strategist. And the fact that he was out of the SDF, was an invaluable lost to the party. Apart from Dr Takoudjou and late Tchoua MP, the other members of the group who wanted to overthrow the chair of the SDF were Hilary Kebila Fokum. Mr Fokum was the former editor-in-chief of the English versions of Le Messager and Elimbi newspapers. He was also a member of the elite core of Anglophone journalists, but abhors John Fru Ndi.The group of the three ring leaders in the rebellion to overthrow John Fru Ndi were not alone.

There were a number of SDF members belonging to the National Executive Council (NEC) and also some MPs who were ready to join the mutineers, provided that, they succeeded in their plan. I had filled several stories to the English service of RFI, concerning the situation within the SDF. But my reports on the ideological brawls within the largest intra and extra parliamentary opposition in Cameroon were never appreciated by some members of the loyal or conservative wing. They thought that, reporting what was happening in their party, gave legitimacy to the groups that wanted to break up their party. At first, I thought that, the plotters will succeed, but as I made my research further, I discovered that, John Fru Ndi was not to become a second Samuel Eboa and also that, the SDF was not the NUDP (National Union for Democracy and Progress). The group of three, who constituted the core of the group that wanted to break up the SDF, used Souleymane as their medium. But they made woeful errors. First, they underestimated John Fru Ndi and also the respect that he had within the masses around the country and also within the fief of the SDF, which were the North West, West, South west and Littoral provinces.

I also discovered with a mixture of astonishment and admiration that, the SDF was a much more strong political party than most have always presented her. The continuation of the SDF as a political formation, barring some unforeseen occurrences, will outlive the leadership of her mythical and charismatic chair John Fru Ndi. I knew after my investigations not only what I have just written above. But I also discovered that, the rebellious trio or quartor, for there was a lady whose name I can only recall as Nana, had little or no chance of succeeding in their mission to unseat John Fru Ndi or divide the SDF. The SDF drew her force in her capacity to relay and relate with the suffering masses and putting elites at arms length. This recipe will continue to feed the SDF as long as the government continues to rule poorly. And it may become a harbinger that will take the SDF to power, if and only if, free and fair elections are held in Cameroon one day. But should the government improve her governance by fighting corruption and also reduce poverty and unemployment, the SDF will need to rethink her populists’ rhetoric and also propose programmes that she has in her manifesto.

Cameroon: the plot to divide the SDF and the role played by lateJean Tchoua MP

2011-06-11T01:45:00.000-07:00

The government of Cameroon always makes sure its restrains any form of politically oriented protest in the North West province, for fear, it might spread to the southern part or south west province. Such a protest may later extend to other parts of the country, in particular, the vital French-speaking provinces of the West and Littoral. In spite the prospect of political tension, sparked by the fraudulent nature of the 1997 presidential elections, the government wanted to negotiate with the SDF. But the government did not want to enter into any negotiations with a strong united SDF or it vital part or the conservative wing. Instead, she wanted to negotiate with individuals or representatives of the party without due process. It was a ploy by the government, to divide or weaken the SDF. It was the same strategy that the government had used in dividing the UPC (Union of the Population of Cameroon). The government had an advantage and a chance of transforming the SDF into a second UPC, for she was aware that, within the party, there was a brewing ideological conflict between the Consevertives and the Progressive wings. Hence the destabilisation machine of the government swung into action. They opted to use the progressive camp, which were in fact, the weakest rungs of the ladder within the SDF.

As the direct consequence of the government meddlings into the internal disputes of the SDF, the foundation of the largest intra and extra parliamentary opposition shuddered and metamorphosed into a battle on the interpretations of the rules and regulations of the party. It was a battle between two camps: the conservatives and the progressives. The first was led by John Fru Ndi and second by Souleymane Mahamat. Souleymane Mahamat, the first national vice chair of the SDF may have been the leader of those within the party tag: progressives, who wanted the SDF to take part in elections, but he may have not known that, he was inadvertently leading a group whose motives were far beyond the official arguments on whether the party should take part or not in elections. The progressive camp were clearly plotting to overthrow or remove John Fru Ndi as chair of the SDF in the same way late Samuel Eboa was removed from the chairmanship of the NUDP party by Bello Bouba Maigari. The Progressives within the SDF were considered via their actions as plotting not only to overthrow John Fru Ndi as chair of the SDF, but also to divide and weaken the party. But the reality is that, the Progressives were hondwinked by a much more subtle machination.

Cameroon and the ideological battles within the SDF (part 5)

2011-06-10T07:06:00.001-07:00

Elections in Cameroon are a farce. But in that battle, it was the first group that partially won. Why? It was simply because; the SDF never took part in the October 1997 presidential elections. Instead, she took part in the lesgislative and local elections. It was a partial victory for the progressives camp because, at the legislative and municipal elections, the SDF emerged or confirmed that, they were the leading opposition party and second national party after the ruling CPDM. The results did put more fuel in the engine of the progressive camp. They thought that, they now had what was necessary to drive their ambition to unseat the national chair (John Fru Ndi), whom they described as a man lacking foresight or a poor politician, devoid of any political tactics. But while the progressives, who are mostly intellectuals and who never accepted John Fru Ndi, as SDF party leader, savoured their victory and secret rebellion, they avoided making the public see or know their real plans. Intellectuals within the SDF never accepted John Fru Ndi as their leader for many reasons: one of them being that, he doesn’t have the same accedemic pedigree as them.

For they were aware that, even though they might despise John Fru Ndi, for reasons that has been partly explained above, the party chair (John Fru Ndi), had a fix asset that, they did not have. It was his popularity. John Fru Ndi was popular amongst the poor masses and the maginalised. But after the presidential elections were held, the moment came when the government, mindful that she had rigged the elections and at such was not legitimate, wanted to create a government of national union. Such a government will give her some legitimacy on the international scale and it was also an attempt to or a strategy to water down popular anger, especially in the restive and democracy conscious Anglophone Cameroon region. In Cameroon in general and in the Anglophone region in particular, and this owing to her history and the rapport that they share with the central government, she has always been a restive region. But within the Anglophone region, it is the north of the territory otherwise known as the Northwest province, which is epicentre of revolts of all sorts. Perhaps this is so because, they seem to be more conscious about their rights and may also be that, they have a larger pool of educated individuals, who are victim of the economic decline of Anglophone Cameroon, noticed since the 1961 unification with French-speaking Cameroon.

Cameroon and the ideological battles within the Social Democratic Front (SDF) part 4

2011-06-03T08:06:00.002-07:00

And the fact that, she (SDF) survived, is a testimony that, she is much more solid than most political observers and analysts may have thought. The 1997 intra SDF turmoil was a battle between two camps: the conservatives or radicals and the progessives. The radicals or conservertive camp claimed that, with history and experience of politics in Cameroon on their side, especially since the re-introduction of multiparty politics in the 90s, they understood best, how politics operated in the country. Hence, they never wanted any compromise with the government. The conservatives or radical camps within the SDF through their posturing were competing for the support of the masses with the so-called progressives’ fringe within the same party. The progressive or realist wing within the SDF, wanted a softer approach with the government. In other words, the progressive camp was ready to negotiate with the government on a platform that would have resulted in the creation of a coalition government. The Social Democratic Front was and is still a single party. But within it, and as above mentioned, it was divided into two camps: The conservatives and the progressives. The leader of the first camp was John Fru Ndi, chair of the SDF, while the leader of the second camp was Souleymane Mahamat, who was the first vice national chair of the same party.

In most cases, those who carry the tag of reformers or progressive, often have the sympathies of the elites and a commanding section of the Mass media or in the case of Cameroon, the independent privately owned press. But the reality and objectives of those who called themselves conservertives, reformers or progressives are almost always different from what they float officially. And it was the case with the two official warring camps within the SDF in 1997. The progressive and conservative wings within the SDF were in reality opportunists. More so, most members of the progressive wing never shared in the construction and sufferings of their party. But paradoxically, they wanted to reap the dividend of the sacrifices of most, in particular, those of the radicals. The battles between the progressives and the radicals or conservatives began because the second never wanted to take part in the October 1997 presidential elections, whereas the first wanted to. The argument of the first has always been that, change can only take place within and not without. Logically speaking, the first group was correct, but that is in a situation where there is a level playing field. But in Cameroon, experience and history ruled in favour of the second or the conservative groups within the SDF who never wanted to take part in any elections, for the out come are known in advance.

Cameroon and the ideological battles within the Social Democratic Front (SDF) part 4

2011-06-03T08:06:00.001-07:00

Internal problems and the plot to divide the SDF ( part 3)

2011-05-29T19:38:00.000-07:00

However, the reactions of some zelous members of the SDF, following my reports were not different from the way the regime would have acted in similar situations. And concerning Souleymane Mahamat, he was the pioneer national vice chair of the SDF. But the SDF’s problem began at the Maroua convention and continued to the Buea convention and climaxed at the 1998 Yaoundé Convention. Paradoxically, the 1998 Yaoundé SDF convention was the get-together, which saved the soul of the SDF. Beides being the convention that saved the future of the largest intra and extra parliamentary opposition party in Cameroon, the other singularity of the Yaoundé convention was that, it had as guest-star, Laurent Gbagbo, who was at that time, chair of Front Populaire Ivorien (FPI), the largest opposition party in Ivory Coast then. The root cause of the merry go round problems within the party was officially, the different views on the interpretations of the rules and regulations governing it (SDF). However, behind the facade, there was a complex set of other problems lurking within the party. It ranged from salacious affairs, personality clashes between the chair and some executive members, who were eventually expelled from the party for allegedly having committed antiparty activities.

No matter it strength and formidable capacity to readapt, the SDF also suffered because of some personal or individual ambitions of some of its cadres, whose execesses have stunted the organic growth of the party. The other deterant to the metamorphoses of the SDF was also the radical posture that it was taking on some national and international issues. On a personal observation, I think some SDF militants never quite knew nor understood the ideology penchant of their party. They never knew nor understood whether their party was a conservative nationalist party or whether it was a social democratic movement with liberal views on national and social issues or whether, it was a covert pro-secessionist Anglophone political party. The ideological ambiguity of the SDF, which was maintained by its leadership, was certainly one of it force and also it weakness. Besides the ideological vagueness of the SDF, the other problem of the SDF was tribalo-regional and linguistic. The SDF, as already mentioned, has witnessed a succession of problems since her creation. But that which she was confronting in late 1996 and that came to public knowledge by the end of November 1997 was perhaps the worst crisis she has ever encountred.

The plot to divide the SDF (part 3)

2011-05-25T10:21:00.000-07:00

The plot to divide the SDF ( part 2)

2011-05-24T13:07:00.000-07:00

I did file one or two reports to the English service of Radio France International (rfi) about the internal problems within the SDF. Those two reports were not appreciated by militants of the SDF, in particular their hierarchy. For I had foreseen or predicted before most political observers and analysts, the eventual spilt or attempted spilt of the SDF, a scenario that ultimately, happened or tookplace in 1998. I will narrate the details and possible reasons on the attempted split or balkanization of the largest intra and extra parliamentary political formation of Cameroon later on. Since the SDF was launched on the 26th of May 1990 in Bamenda, a launching that tookplace at the huge cost of six assassinations and hundred of people maimed by trigger happy Police men and Soldiers, the SDF has witnessed a lot of tribulations . And these tribulations or difficulties are or were almost always led by people who claimed that, they held the secret of the amazing power of the party, and also that, their exit from the party, will herald her demise. But the truth has been that, the SDF has manifested resilience, which may even be surprising to her founders. The 1997 first or major insurgency, that I began reporting on and which was not appreciated by some zealots within the SDF was the revolt led officially by Souleymane Mahamat.

Cameroon: The plot to divide the SDF (Part 1)

2011-05-23T01:04:00.000-07:00

I was close to many people who were executive members of the largest intra and extra parliamentary opposition party in Cameroon called the Social Democratic Front (SDF). However, my close rapport with the hierarchy of the SDF made me to commit an error. I thought that, with my excellent affinity with the SDF hierachy, I could only have problems with the ruling Cameroon’s People Democratic Movement (CPDM) or the government. But, I was at best wrong or at worst, woefully naive. While the SDF was a big strong and inspiring political formation, it had a problem of cyclical wave of resignations of some of its cadres. Hence, I began showing interest in the cyclical problems that erupts within the SDF, especially that of 1997. SDF’s problems are cyclical because, they almost always explode to the public’s knowledge, whenever national elections are at hand. Why? It is simply, because, it is the only period when those disappointed with the party that they claimed, they love and wanted to help her win political power or change in the country, could bargain with the government, and also expect to be heard and rewarded.

Working as a journalist in Cameroon: a brush with death ( final part)

2011-03-09T08:12:00.003-08:00

Since I was not replying to him, he said aloud: “Ok, I am coming to meet you. I want to be part of the deal”. As he wanted to cross the road to meet us, he was only stopped in his race by the constant flowing traffic, at which point, the Police men quickly told me: “we came simply to warn you. We would have finished (killed) with you, if we so desired. We hope that, as from now henceforth, you will start behaving like some of your colleagues”. And the one who was acting like their boss caste a look at me: “we are sorry for having turned your house in side out”. They left me and boarded a White coloured Toyota bus and screeched away. I was shocked, for I was like one who had just cheated death. When I told the incidence to my parents, they were worried and told me: “we had long expected such an outcome. We hope that, now you will discover that, you took a wrong profession and will change it for a better one”. My father added: “you are well too young; you can change your profession without any problem, for God has just freed you from the claws of the devil. And you need to show some appreciation”.

When I also narrated the unpleasant incident to Yves Leopold Kom, he was shocked that, a person that he knew could have come too close to death from another one that he also knew. But he added: “young man, I have always made it clear to you that, journalism, especially the field in which you are in, is not practised the way you are practicing it. Perhaps you want to remain poor at best or die early at worst. But you have to choose whether you want to stay alive or dead. I still think they came not to kill you, but to frighten you and also to put a face on your image”. Yves Leopold added: “You can call them and do business with them”. “How?” I asked. Yves Leopold Kom responded: “whenever there is a good story they will brief you first and you will also inform them on how to handle it and they will pay you”. I told Yves: “thank you for your advice, but I won’t ever dare to call them and I won’t compromise my professional ethnics”. The truth is that, in spite the bravado, I was frightened. But I continued my job nonetheless and also continued to make propositions for more stories to the English service of RFI. And as usual, I waited for their approval before going ahead to cover the said story.

Most often, I had already prepared the story and will ring Paris to find out if they were interested in the topic covered. It depended on the news anchor and the budget that he/she was allocated and also how knowledgeable and interested in a region and country he/she was. I discovered that there were three English service journalists who seem interested in the political situation in Cameroon. They were a certain Michel Arseneau ( hope I have not mutilated his surname) Daniel Emile Singleton and Michael Fritz Patrick, for they were the only ones who rang me back whenever I proposed a story or sometimes they called to find out whether there were any news that the wires hasn’t brought to their attention.

Working as a journalist in Cameroon: a brush with death ( part 8)

2011-02-14T01:39:00.000-08:00

They asked me to take along with me my administrative papers and we left. As we were leaving the compound, we met Yves Leopold Kom and he seems to know one of the Policemen with whom they exchanged brief pleasantries and Yves turn towards me and asked quite loud: “where are you going with these people?” Yves’s friend responded: “we came to salute him and isn’t it cordial for him to accompany us by the road?” And he added: “he at least, is not Bamileke, he is well behaved”. To that assertion, Yves retorted: “he may not be Bamileke, but he is an Anglophone, so be very careful”. And the police officer who was supposedly Yves’s friend replied: “it is why we are very careful and respectful of him”. That little moment of exchange of conversations between Yves and the Policemen, also played in my favour. I followed them nonetheless and we walked and stopped in front of the Akwa post office. The Akwa post office is housed in a French or German colonial building, which stood opposite to the head office of Le Massager Newspaper. In fact; there were separated by a macadamised road leading to the Bonanjoh neighbourhood, which doubles as the administrative centre of the city and the province of the Littoral.

Bonanjoh is also the city of Douala’s own Business district. As fate will also have it, that night, standing in front of the building of Le Messager were two friends and colleagues, who were working with the satirical division of Le Messager. The name of their satirical paper was Populi. Their names were Nyem, who was the editor of Populi or the satirical version of Le Massager and Salomon Nkond, who was the assistant Editor. Salomon was not only a friend and colleague; we were schoolmates at the School of Mass Communications Technology (IMCT), Jos, Nigeria. We both read Mass Communications but choose different majors. While I specialised in broadcast journalism and Public Relations, he majored in Print journalism. As usual, whenever he sees me, he gets excited and called me Yetena Leba, the name of one of the last UPC rebels, whose telltales are full with myths and legends, especially about his actions. Why he called me Yetena has remained a mystery. Perhaps I bore a striking resemblance to the late freedom fighter/ nationalist, but Yetna Leba meant many things to different to people. To some French-speaking Cameroonians, Yetna Leba was a violent blood thirsty rebel, while to others; he was a hero who defied the imperialist government of late Ahmadou Ahidjo... But I have never cared to ask Salomon Nkond why on earth he had nicknamed me Yetena Leba. But when he saw me in company of the three plainclothes Policemen, he shouted across the road: “hey, Yetena Leba, what are you plotting again with those men”? I did not and could not reply; for he never knew the condition that I was in.

Working as journalist in Cameroon: brush with death ( part 7)

2011-02-07T20:30:00.000-08:00

And there was a period of calm at which point. The three men were watching down on me like predatory animals watches their prey. Meanwhile, I was quiet and was just imagining how I will be killed. Will it be with a gun or will they use their hands? Between those two excruciating methods or options, I resolved that, it would be better for them to shoot me. For I thought, I will die instantly as in American movies. But my preponderant worries were my parents and my younger brothers and sisters. I knew my death will cause them a lot of pains and I concluded that, should I die this prematurely and coupled with what and how the media treat the caused my death, it will equally pre-empt the death of my parents in particular my father. This will mean that, my younger brothers and sisters won’t continue their education and their lives won’t change or be transformed in anyway positive. They will become like many Cameroonian children: hopeless or with no bright future. Even though education doesn’t lead to riches, it helps to change ones social status and perception of the world with a possibility to escape grinding poverty like the one we had experienced. But suddenly, as I was thinking about my family the silence that we were in ruptured and the kind one amongst the three men in my house began talking to me and this time around politely. It was as though we had known each other for a long time. It was God’s active force operating miracle.

The kind man amongst the three Police men in my house said: “you are being manipulated”. And he added: “you are still young and perhaps younger than my two eldest sons. You are doing a nice job. But in this country you don’t need to operate in an idealistic manner. You must be a realist. Think first of yourself, your future and also those of your parents and your brothers and sisters. We won’t do anything harmful to you this time around but should you persist; we will help to send you to paradise”. I was left alone or precisely between me and the kind minded Police officer. His colleagues were outside perhaps watching if some one was coming in. I don’t know whether, he was left alone, in order to permit him to execute me alone or they never wanted to do away with my life. But as I was watching through louvers of my window with the blinds partly concealing or preventing them to notice that, I was observing them. But from where I stood, I noticed that, they were in serious conversations. I think they were not unanimous on their decisions toward my fate. And their colleague who was with me in the house was called outside and they engaged in a conversation that lasted between 5 and 10 minutes. Because it was late and I was living in a fenced compound that had several apartments, I think it also influenced their decision not to do anything harmful to me. For they were sure that, even though it was dark and calm, it will be almost impossible that some had not noticed their presence. After their conversation, they come in together and ordered me to follow them.

Working as a journalist in Cameroon: a brush with death ( part 6)

2011-01-29T09:41:00.000-08:00

But while I knew I was in trouble and it could be the last time that I was seeing the city of Douala. I regretted only one thing, the most. I had not seen my parents and my younger brothers and sisters for almost a week. I also thought, about the pains that my eventual death will cause them. I don’t know, but it appears as though, people who are about to be killed do develop mixed feelings in front of their would be assassins. That of fear in the first place and finally, that of resignation. But as strange as it will appear, even though I am terribly afraid of death, that day, I wasn’t or could not distinguish things out clearly. And as usual, I didn’t take what they were saying seriously. I felt that they might either be Policemen or pro-government militia, who were out on their personal operation to extort. Fear though is a good thing. But it sometimes makes one to loose any iota of reason. On that day, I made a foolish statement, which perhaps in that very moment, I may have thought it was bravery. I told the Policemen in my house that: “I don’t know on what you people wanted me to negotiate on”. And I added : “even if I knew, I don’t think I will, after the state in which you have transformed my house into”. Bribery in Cameroon, particularly that which takes place between a civilian and men of law and order, was or is still euphemistically known as “negotiations”.

But since the economic crisis started in Cameroon officially in 1987, the market of bribery has been spoiled by wealthy corrupt businessmen and politicians. Hence, I could not afford to annoy them the more. Furthermore, while I concluded that, the three plainclothes Policemen or pro-government militiamen, were in my house with a sinister mission of theirs or acting on the instructions of superior powers, I did not have enough money to start or attempt any kind of negotiations. As it seems to always be the case, whenever there are three men in-a-hit-and-run-squad, the longer they stayed with me, it became difficult for them to execute their plan. Whenever such a squad meets their targets, instead of killing him/her immediately, they start a conversations, they are caught in remorse, which in most cases, may prevents them from accomplishing their evil mission. I sense that, in the trio, there was one, who was not doing the dirty job with pleasure. He was kind and may have been carried into the dirty job by default. For with the gruelling economic crisis, things are/were really hard in Cameroon. But while one was kind and could truly be counted on for negotiations and will not cloak around like a leach, constantly coming around to extort monies and demanding services from you, because he knows your life is/was in his or their hands, his remaining two partners in crime, were truly determined. They were really heartless bounty killers. They might have been involved in the strings of targeted killings that rocked the country.

Working as a journalist in Cameroon ( part 5)

2011-01-27T09:45:00.000-08:00

They (Policemen in plainclothes) showed me their insignia and pistols to attest that, they were real Policemen on a mission. But inwardly, I thought they were in reality a pro-government tribal militia known as the “Esingan”. The Esingan tribal militia is or was model along the Rwandan Hutu militia known as the Interahamwe. But what is certain is that, they came for trouble and not for peace. The one who had directed himself toward my table to read and listen to a recorded tape of actors of the cyclical crisis, which always hits the SDF cried: this is a testimony that, he doesn’t seem to have friends. He is dangerous and you can’t trust him”. Startled, I asked but in fear: “what have I done wrong?” His reaction and statement was deeply troubling. I did not understand the reason why one of the three men who had pushed themselves into my house and were ransacking it, could utter the ambiguous conclusions he made.

I tried to pretend that, I wasn’t worried, they had turn my room and my cupboard inside out, but I ventured out this statement: “While I can’t understand why you are in my house and carrying out your search as though I was a criminal, I had thought you came in like friends who wanted to give me some information”. The trio were gathered in the middle of my living and were also shocked that, I seem not affected by their action. One responded: you seem to some command sarcasm that I or my friends have yet seen from a person in your state. Then he added: “yes, it is normal for a person like you not to have any friend and people like us can’t be friends with, for you are not reliable”. Another one roared: “we think that you have to negotiate with us today or you will never forget to have ever met us. We are not going give you the pleasure to die in our hands”. It was then and there, that, I understood that, I may have come into contact with men who are specialised in targeted killings in Cameroon. But I wondered why I was the chosen one, when I was not a very important personality politics/economy or even in the profession. Furthermore, I did not come from a rich family either.

Working as a journalist in Cameroon (part 4)

2011-01-26T11:51:00.000-08:00

I had never wanted to leave Cameroon. Hence all the problems that I encountered in the course of the excise of my profession, I never wanted it to be publicised. Tussling with the government or in some cases with the opposition, may give you (journalist) some safety and propel you (journalist) into a sort of local celebrity. But, I opted for the attitude of silence. However, that strategy or the track of silence seems or creates more problems to the immediate surroundings of journalists, which are generally not made known or reported. As already mentioned, I wanted to carry my cross alone hence, I opted for silence. But I am of the opinion, that, the strategy of silence that I opted for was not the best. For a year after, that is in 1998, precisely in the month of July, I had my first severe encounter with Policemen in plainclothes. This happened one evening around 9:00 PM in my house, which was situated at the Akwa neighbourhood in Douala. Three men who claimed to be Policemen, knocked at my door. And when I opened the door, they pushed themselves in. During this time, I was no longer living with Yves Leopold Kom, the sports service correspondent of Africa N°1, a pan African French-speaking radio based in Libreville in Gabon. Even though I was no longer living him in the same house, we were nonetheless still living in the same compound. The three men, who came into my house, while in; divided themselves and went, into three directions. One went straight into my sleeping room and the second toward my cupboard while the third, went on my table where I was writing a story about the cyclical problems within the SDF that I wanted to propose to RFI.

Working as a journalist in Cameroon (part 3)

2011-01-19T06:32:00.000-08:00

It was toward the end of October and early November 1997, the day and date precisely, I can’t recall. All I can recall is that, I was preparing to travel to the political capital of Cameroon, in order to cover some political events, inherent after the presidential elections. My friend whose name I can’t release or mention, because he is still working with the state internal security service, sent one of his collaborator to meet me at home. He came to inform me that, if I had any plans to travel to Yaoundé, I should postpone it, for the former minister of Communications Augustine Kontchu, was planning my arrest. Was it true or not? I can’t tell. But he added: “he has been monitoring the few stories you had filed to the English service of RFI, during and immediately after the presidential elections”. The informant also claimed that, my stories were an attempt to denigrate Cameroon, its government and I was also insulting the head of state. I was startled, for I could not remember ever filing a story to RFI that had anything which could be akin to slander or defamation.

But I heeded to the advice of my informant and did not travel to Yaoundé, for I recalled how Eyoum Ngangue, a journalist working with the French language newspaper Le Messager and also the Editor of the same paper Pius Njawe were arrested and send to jail for allegedly insulting the head of state. Honestly, I never wanted to share their experience in the most remote of ways. I had to postpone my travel to Yaoundé and stayed in Douala looking for other stories. Although I had witnessed similar problems, which indirectly led to the termination of work and any prospect of permanent employment at CRTV, it was really frightening to know that I was closer to being jailed. Even if it had not happened, in Cameroon, it is easier for one to go jail, especially when he is accused of having insulted the head of state. It is claimed that, one of the many possible reasons why Titus Edzoa MD, who was the former personal physician of Paul Biya, was arrested, is because, he allegedly insulted the head of state.

Working as a journalist in Cameroon ( part 2)

2011-01-18T16:20:00.000-08:00

But this happens so because, some western broadcasters have for so long habituated their listeners, viewers and readers to believe that, Africa is a country and not a continent with its varieties, successes and failures. But this doesn’t in anyway mean that, electoral frauds, like the recurrent ones in Cameroon, which might one day degenerate into a civil war, must not be reported. But it must also be pointed out that, while African do decry the negative way that some western media do present the continent regularly, it must equally be pointed out that, most African journalists don’t present the continent in a better light either. For it is difficult to read African newspapers or watch TV newscast reporting anything positive about their countries and government. And this question; even though African countries are known for their limitations, does it mean that nothing positive ever happens in African countries worth reporting by African journalists? However, as soon as I began reporting or working with the English service of RFI, which is a small or medium size broadcaster compared to the very popular and influential BBC, VOA or the French Africa service of RFI, I began having problems with the government. I wanted to practice my profession independently and not as a supporter of the government or of the opposition. But in Cameroon, it is very difficult for a journalist to practice his profession independently without attracting the wrath of either the government or the opposition. What first struck me was a tip-off t from a friend whose name I won’t mention, here, because he is still holding a position within the internal security of Cameroon.

Working in Cameroon as a journalist: the case of Yves Leopold Kom ( part 1)

2011-01-16T15:32:00.000-08:00

He did not like anything or story that had any political connotations. For according to him, political reporting was a certain source for trouble and he did not want problems in his life. To an extent, Yves Leopold Kom was correct, but I too was a man of peace and I seldom cause problem and never wanted to attract or create one. Hence, I did try to cover stories that were not controversial. But I quickly discovered that, it will be very difficult and dishonest on my part, not inform people on the reality of Cameroon. This doesn’t in way mean that, I was in the clique of those whose best story about Africa, must be a negative subject. I was and I am still, one who liked and still likes a balanced broadcast of positive as well as negative news or stories happening in Cameroon or on the continent at large. But I was handicapped by the fact that, since RFI’s English service had a limited length of broadcast and limited resources, they could not take in all news stories that I proposed to them. Some times or most often, they rang me to file in news on subjects that was of interest to them, and which were often the cliché news about Africa: torture and political violence and corruption of its elites. But I also think that, while there existed some good news stories from Cameroon, which I did file to the English service, I am still of the opinion that, they were not only interested in cliché news stories. I did file news stories that were neither good nor bad news stories, but a true reflection of the reality on the ground. These debates too often come up on whether western broadcasters are only interested in broadcasting from Africa, negative news. Perhaps it is correct, that westerner especially their media have been nurtured to expect only negative news from Africa, this mindful of the fact that, some of them are seldom interested in positive news.

Sudanese Parties Must Prepare to Make Compromises, U.S. Says

2010-10-28T08:31:00.001-07:00

U.S. officials are telling northern and southern Sudanese leaders they must ensure the human rights and safety of minority populations as the January 9 referendums approach.

By Stephen Kaufman
Staff Writer

Washington — Obama administration officials say there is “no more time to waste” ahead of referendums on the independence of Southern Sudan and Abyei that are scheduled for January 9, 2011. U.S. officials also warn that the governments of northern Sudan and Southern Sudan will be held accountable for the treatment of minorities in their respective areas and the ability of all citizens to freely participate in the electoral process.

The U.S. special envoy for Sudan, General Scott Gration, told reporters in Washington at an October 22 briefing that with only 79 days left until the two votes, the parties in Sudan must be prepared to come to a new round of talks in Ethiopia in late October “with an attitude of compromise” and need to “make a strategic commitment to work together to avoid war [and] to achieve a lasting peace.”

The parties also need to come to an agreement on who will be allowed to participate in the referendum in Abyei. “They are going to have to work very hard and very fast to get an agreement,” he said.

“The entire world is watching and will make judgments based on how the parties approach these talks, on how they act in the next couple of months,” Gration said.

He called on the government in Khartoum to demonstrate its good faith by transferring funding it had agreed to provide to the Southern Sudan Referendum Commission and to grant visas to international election monitors and aid workers in preparation for the elections.

The referendum commission must still finalize its voter registration procedures, hire, train and deploy more than 10,000 registration workers, and distribute voter registration materials to registration sites, he said.

Gration said questions over the future citizenship of mostly Christian Southerners living in northern Sudan, and mostly Muslim Northerners living in Southern Sudan will need to be worked out by the parties themselves, but said the United States wants to ensure that all Sudanese “have protection of their human rights and physical security through this turbulent period.”

“We’re holding the parties accountable to make sure that all citizens remain safe until their citizenship is ultimately sorted out,” he said, and that they are protected in a way that meets international standards.

Samantha Power, a special assistant to President Obama and senior director for multilateral affairs at the White House, said at the briefing that Obama administration officials had met October 21 with a multifaith Sudanese delegation as part of an effort to reach out to Christian and Muslim communities to ascertain their intentions and desires, “both in terms of where they vote and in terms of their ultimate destiny.”

She said the United States and nongovernmental organizations are thinking through contingency situations ahead of the vote, including ways to ensure that minority populations on both sides feel safe and secure in casting their votes, providing freedom of movement in case they want to leave and making humanitarian resources available in case there is an influx of people on the move.

Power said “it is impossible to overstate the high level of attention” that the Sudanese situation now commands in the White House. She also said a September 24 United Nations communiqué on Sudan that called for the referendums to be held credibly and on time and included a pledge to recognize the results regardless of the outcome reflects an “unprecedented show of international unity” in a conflict where the parties have “a rich history of playing actors in the international community off against one another.”

While acknowledging that the preparations for the referendums are behind schedule, Power said that unlike previous occasions when Sudan was in conflict, the global cooperation ahead of the election marks “a rare case in which the United States and other international players are teaming up to shine a spotlight on events on the ground proactively ahead of a key event.”

“The previous tragic chapters in Sudan’s history demonstrate that we need to work with this broad range of actors to do all we can to prevent an outbreak of violence rather than simply react later to events on the ground,” she said.

At the briefing, Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Johnnie Carson said the United States is also providing “a pathway towards a more normal relationship” with the Sudanese government, but said such a relationship will require Khartoum’s full implementation of the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) with the South, the January 9, 2011, referendums and the resolution of remaining issues between the two sides.

“It also requires the Sudanese government to move forward with a comprehensive resolution of the problem in Darfur,” Carson said.

The Obama administration has offered incentives such as changing some U.S. licensing procedures to allow additional trade and investment in Sudan, as well as an exchange of ambassadors and the prospect of lifting economic sanctions and actively supporting international assistance and debt relief for Sudan if Khartoum implements its CPA commitments and ends the conflict in Darfur.

“We want and desire a better and a stronger relationship with all of the people of Sudan,” Carson said. “But that will be contingent upon their ability and desire and will to live up to the commitments that they have already made and that they now need to fulfill.”

The September 24 United Nations communiqué on Sudan is available on the website of the United States Mission to the United Nations.

Cameroonian political charade

2010-10-25T13:44:00.000-07:00

For the founders of the NUDP, who are mostly natives of the predominantly Muslim Greater Northern Province, founded or created their party, in order to re-conquer political power, that the French handed over to them at the independence of French-speaking Cameroon on January 1st 1960. The people of the greater north of French-speaking Cameroon lost political power to the greater southern French-speaking Cameroonians in 1982, due to the miscalculations of late Ahmadou Ahidjo. They (people of the greater north) were in no disposition to share their “God given post” or as they think or thought, with any other Cameroonian or geographical group. The charade staged in Cameroon since 1992 and tagged multiparty democratic elections, reached it summit of duplicity in 1997. For in spite the fact that, the heavyweight of the opposition had withdrawn from the race, and only a plethora charlatans and rapacious hungry and presumptuous individuals, all bedecked in the regalia of opposition parties, took part. Even though major opposition political parties did not take part in the 1997 presidential elections, the ruling party took no chances.

She (the ruling party) ignited her electoral cheating machine and rigged the elections and gave herself an unenviable 82% of votes caste in her favour. It was short of 18% to give her a soviet style results , that she always registered in elections during the one party system. But only that, this time around, she distributed the remaining points or percentage that she was ashamed to bag as hers, to the groups of parties and individuals, who decided to help her to cheat herself and the acquiescing international community. It was during the campaigns prior to the presidential elections of October 1997 that, I tried to start sending reports to the English service of RFI and they were accepted and de facto I began stringing for them or was their correspondent in Cameroon. I was living then in the neighbourhood of Akwa precisely opposite the technical department of the Post and Telecommunication Building that shared the same building with the Akwa post office. I was living in the home of a French-speaking Cameroonian colleague by name Yves Leopold Kom. He was working with Africa N° 1 the pan African French-language broadcaster based in Libreville, Gabon as their titular sports correspondent. I was living with him while looking for my own flat and as fate does things, there was a vacant two bed room flat in the same compound and I moved in. It was with Yves Leopold Kom that, we moved around in the city of Douala in search for information. While I was interested in social, economic and political news stories, he was exclusively interested in sports.

Augustine Nzanga and Pierre Flambour Ngayap: Two phoney 1997 Presidential elections candidates

2010-05-21T03:47:00.000-07:00

Interestingly or not, while the three main opposition political parties in Cameroon, whose leaders, Njeukam Kameni derides, refused to take part in the October 1997 presidential elections, because to them, the elections were in reality, a farce, Njeukam and his Movement Democratique Intergrale (MDI), participated actively in that balloting charade . Njeukam Kameni knew full well that, he stood no chance of winning, but at least, he expected that, for giving the presidential elections, a semblance of respectability, that is, if the number of participants, in any elections were a benchmark to guarantee her objectivity and respectability, he would then, be compensated by the very regime, he had sworn to overthrow by all means. His compensation will be a ministerial post. But sad and equally unfortunate for Njeukam Kameni, in Cameroon, the government has respect and fear for only one opposition political party. It is the SDF or the Social Democratic Front led by John Fru Ndi. Nevertheless, a plethora of circumstantial opposition parties and independent candidates, took part in the 1997 presidential elections, in spite the fact that, they knew that, it was a travesty of democracy. All those who took part, did so with the secret but joyful hope that, since the three big opposition parties had given up or withdrawn, they (the opportunists) will reap some personal benefits, that are almost always: financial and to the most lucky ones, a ministerial post.

Two phoney 1997 Presidential elections candidates

Two such phoney independent presidential candidates caught my attention. The first was a certain Augustine Nzanga, who is claimed to be a former member of the ruling party and now one of the many who are disappointed with the Biya rule. Augustine Nzanga had become naturally, the foe of his former friends. Then there was the most colourful of all the Presidential candidates in the in 1997 presidential elections. He was Pierre Flambour Ngayap PhD. He is believed to be a holder of several PhDs. In what fields do Pierre Flambour Ngayap specifically holds his PhDs? I can’t tell. Dr Ngayap was also of the same mould of Njeukam Kameni. But Ngayap much more polished, however, like Kameni, Ngayap was an avid lover of power and he also enjoys taking the lead. He courted the SDF and when he could not get the post of responsibility that he thinks is proportional to his educational background, he left and founded his own political shop. But he could not secure or attract clients. Hence he decided to answer the offer or political IPO of the NUDP party or National Union for Democracy and Progress of Bello Bouba Maigari. Mr Maigari was in need of a greater southern Christian Cameroonian to atone the Islamic image and face of his party after he (Bello) overthrew late Samuel Eboa from the chair of the NUDP.

I think Mr Ngayap was too intelligent to know that, the post of vice chair of the NUDP, offered him by Bello Bouba Maigari was an honorary function. For the NUDP is or was a political party touted as the second largest and strongest opposition intra and extra parliamentary opposition party after the SDF and the Muslim northern Cameroonians would never offer a pivotal post to a Christian southerner. For the founders of the NUDP who are mostly natives of the predominantly Muslim Greater Northern province, founded their party to re-conquer political power that the French gave them at the independence of French-speaking Cameroon in January 1st 1960 and they (northern Cameroonians only lost political to the greater southern French-speaking Cameroonian in 1982, because of the miscalculation of late Ahmadou Ahidjo. Northerners were currently in no disposition to share their God given post with anybody in Cameroon. The charade staged in Cameroon since 1992 and tagged multiparty democratic elections reached it summit of duplicity in 1997.

Njeukam Kameni:a French-speaking Cameroonian political whippersnapper

2010-05-13T05:30:00.000-07:00

Paul Biya has no doubt committed a lot of atrocious acts in Cameroon, but the fact that, he is still president, he his covered and supported by his presidential immunity from such mutinous one man court action carried out by Njeukam Kameni . And Njeukam knew pretty well that, his action was like using a sword to pierce water, but he went ahead. I also suspect that, he (Njeukam Kameni) relish to see or hear people chant his praise. His case, filed against Cameroon was accepted by the charlatan Belgian court, but was ruled against him or he lost. Njeukam Kameni lost his case against the state of Cameroon because, he could not support his claims and also because, he was alone, for had he involved the little of what could be considered as civil society, the case would have had an impact. And as at now, it is not known whether the ideas, plans and executions of Njeukam’s NGO, which was to take legal action against the government of Cameroon and Paul Biya at a Belgian court was his initiative or was engineered by the same Cameroon government, in a bid to show the world that, she (the government of Cameroon), do allow freedom or free speech in a country, known as a soft, but brutal totalitarian regime. Cameroon is a totalitarian regime that nonetheless has a democratic façade, which she uses, to placate western governments. But it is also strange how, a government, that throws Anglophone nationalists of the SCNC in jail, wherein, most are tortured to their death.

Simply because they want the implementation of democracy and the respect of the unification treaty, would allow Njeukam Kameni, to carryout actions that are also susceptible to destroy the fraudulent unity and fraudulent façade of tranquillity of the country. However, since these are just my personal speculative accusations toward the suspicious attitude of Njeukam Kameni, I would want to think that, the cardinal rule of the judiciary that requires that, in case of any doubt in any accusation, the court should or in this case, I am going to rule in favour Mr Njeukam. I have concluded that, Njeukam Kameni was only true to himself, a rebel to the system and also to institutions and organisations that are susceptible to help him reach his goal. On the other hand, perhaps the government of Cameroon is not worried about the occasional tantrums of Njeukam or his tempestuous attitude, because he commands little or no power in the masses. And this may also help explain the reasons why when his NGO later on metamorphosed into a political party called MDI or “Movement Democratique Intergrale”, it was ignored by the state. MDI was also created at the image of his creator: Njeukam Kameni, for it first symbol was his portrait and following the outcry it created, he changed the symbol of his party into that of a dove. But was he a dove? Njeukam Kameni is not a dove or a hawk, he simply a French-speaking Cameroonian political whippersnapper.

Interview with Rebecca Garang

2010-05-01T22:49:00.000-07:00

Arrogant and divisive , Njeukam Kameni

2010-04-28T07:15:00.000-07:00

Examples are many to show and support the fact that, anything associated with Njeukam must be done under his leadership or he must have a preponderant role, in order to proof or show his contributions. Everything he does or that is even carried out collectively, he manages to worm in his photograph or makes sure that, his name get a prominent place. He is a narcissist. I think, he inwardly thinks or considers himself as an incarnate of late Dr Martin Luther King or a Malcolm X. But what fundamentally differentiates him with those leaders in the United States or in other black Africa, North Africa and elsewhere in the world is that, they were humble and sort out unity in whatever thing that they did or took part in, but he (Njeukam) is arrogant and divisive.

He despises leaders of the opposition with tested and proven integrity. Mr Njeukam Kameni is also not respectful traditions and the elderly and this, is telling for a man who comes from the French-speaking grass-field province of the West province, where the respect of the elderly and above all traditions, are held supreme. And because of his insolent attitude toward the elderly and traditions of his native region, it is has become a handicap that, if he doesn’t try hard and quickly to correct, he won’t get anyway farther, than where he secretly plans to be, but that the entire world knows. For the entire world knows that, Njeukam wants to become the president of Cameroon and he also thinks that, besides Paul Biya or after the demise of Biya, he is the only one best fit to rule Cameroon. But I also think that, his activism betrayed his desire to become a government minister, even under the present government. For he is not an enduring man and has therefore lost any hope that, the opposition will one day win political power in Cameroon. Perhaps he is also aware that in case the opposition comes to power, he stands little or no chance of being given any responsibility. Hence his impatience to get what he thought he would have with the opposition and which stands now, as a remote possibility. His last act or what I saw as his lonesome number or perhaps with the aid of another Cameroonian, he created an obscure NGO, which he eventually used to sue the President of Cameroon at a Belgian court for crime against humanity. This was made possible because Belgium pretends that, her courts have universal competence.

SDF's manifesto helped Mr Ndandaye's Presidential victory in Burundi

2010-04-25T08:04:00.000-07:00

Late Burundian president Melchior Ndandaye ,copied word for word, the Social Democratic Front’s manifesto. And it is believed that, it was the SDF’s manifesto that helped Mr Ndandaye to win Burundi’s presidential elections in 1992, only to be assassinated later on. Coming back to Mr Njeukam Kameni, it is true that, he is courageous and his courage almost cost him his life. And it appears that, since that attempted government assassination failed, thanks to the owner of Hotel Arcade,he( Njeukam) had to carpet cross. For his operations and role within the opposition seems suspicious. On one side, he seems to maintain his vitriolic against the regime and within the opposition, he acts more as a spoiler than a unifier. And strangely, especially for a government that doesn’t tolerate any kind of dissent, in particular those that has any remote links to armed rebellion, Njeukam and his supposedly anti-government rants goes unperturbed .

Perhaps the government knows that, he just an empty loquacious wind bag, with boring and divisive attitude within an opposition that, they(government) abhors and will love to see it fragmented. Njeukam Kameni is very far from the way he speaks and styles himself. He is everything but a war monger or a potential warlord. But he is a megalomaniac. He maintains a goatee like those of the late Belgian-Congolese nationalist Prime Minister Patrice Emery Lumumba or the late Angolan president Augustino Alfonse Neto or even Amilcar Cabral of Guinea Bissau. But I don’t think that he has one ounce of the humility and patience of the above leaders nor will he ever have realised what they did if he was in their place.

How plans to kill Njeukam Kameni was destroyed

2010-04-22T10:44:00.000-07:00

In the 90s, it is or was also claimed that, he(Njeukam Kameni) was the one who founded a radical movement called Cap Liberte. And it is also claimed by some, especially by Njeukam Kameni and his supporters that, Cap Liberte is the organisation, which coordinated operations in Douala, to make effective, the call made by opposition political parties, in chief, the SDF, for a nationwide Ghost Town operation. And because of the contribution that he made, to make the civil disobedience work in Douala and also expand his hidden agenda, which was to transform his movement into a militarised movement, with the aim of sowing the seeds of an armed rebellion in Cameroon, he was almost assassinated. He missed an assassination attempt by a whiskers once, when he was lodged at Hotel Arcade, located in the administrative and Business District of Bonanjoh in Douala. That operation to assassinate him was hatched by late Jean Forchive . Mr Forchive was at that time, the head of Cameroon’s Police Force. He also doubled as the head of the state internal security. But the plot to assassinate Njeukam Kameni failed because, the owner of the Hotel Mr Kadji DeFotso, a businessman who was at that time, openly in support of the opposition SDF, never wanted a politician to be killed in his Hotel. Furthermore, at that time, Hotel Arcade was the only highbrow structure in Douala whose management accepted that conferences of the opposition could be held within its premises and opposition party leaders such as John Fru Ndi was allowed to lodged. Hotel Arcade became the only other place in Cameroon besides John Fru Ndi’s Ntarikom home in Bamenda, where Cameroon’s democratic peaceful revolution was being plotted and piloted. It was also within one of Arcade Hotels’s conference rooms in Douala, where a copy of SDF’s manifesto was translated from English in French and handed to late Burundian president Melchior Ndandaye to use in his presidential campaigns.

Ambiguous Njeukam Kameni

2010-03-21T09:05:00.000-07:00

But there was something funny and phoney with Njeukam Kameni and his computer assembling project and plant. It was presented by his admirers or he made some Cameroonians to think that, his plant was a manufacturing plant and not an ordinary assembling plant. Njeukam Kameni never wanted his company to be considered as a mere assembling plant. It was as though, he thought, along with those admiring him that, calling his company an assembling plant, will deny him of the respect that he dearly wanted. Njeukam Kameni is supercilious, preposterous and pretentious. He had the hallmark of most Cameroonian politicians, especially those of the opposition and it is why or one of the many reasons why, the opposition has failed in Cameroon. The arrogance and tempestuous attitudes of Njeukam might have been one of the reasons why there was no mention that, it was an assembling plant that he ran. He presented his assembling plant as a company that manufactured all components needed for the production of a computer. He was even presented as the inventor of the computer, who was cheated of his invention by the United States and the White world. In other words, undeserved credit was given to Bill Gates and Steve Ballmer. He also made people to think that, he was not the only one cheated, but also the small West African state of Cameroon.

While Njeukam Kameni floated such colossal lies as being the inventor of the computer, he was aware of the truth and also all the mystifications around him, that he has helped build. But he never bothered to make things right. He never cared to tell Cameroonians or those who believed in his lies that, he were not the inventor of the computer or that, nobody ever cheated him of anything. He wanted to use that myth around him not for scientific or industrial means, but more for political purposes. For most Cameroonians, especially French-speaking Cameroonians, who are educated, do under-look those of their compatriots who are undereducated. Furthermore some also think that, the (intellectuals) have a responsibility to rule Cameroon. Hence in Cameroon, the proportion of those aspiring to rule is directly proportional to her intellectual class. It may also explain why Cameroon’s opposition parties excluding the SDF, are perhaps the most stupid opposition in Africa. It must also be taken into consideration that, democracy succeeds only in society that have a strong educated middle class. But in Cameroon, the educated middle class is infinitely small and economic hardship and poor education has destroyed the prospects of using the middle class as a springboard for political change. The only part of Cameroon where democracy succeeds and which explains why they are the forefront in resisting the domination of the ruling party is in Anglophone Cameroon. And there is a reason for that, but which won’t be explained here because it is neither the subject nor the place. But coming back to Njeukam Kameni, it was his desire to usurp and behave pompously which made him ambiguous.

Njeukam Kameni (Part 2)

2010-02-28T21:55:00.000-08:00

In Cameroon , especially within the political arena, only rare political figures such as Paul Biya, John Fru Ndi and Bernard A. Muna, do command trans-linguistic and trans-regional- national influence and celebrity status . Why is Njeukam Kameni identified hereon as French-speaking Cameroon’s own Bill Gates? It is simply, because he had a computer assembly plant in Douala, wherein, imported computer components were assembled and sold in the local market. He imported computer components and other spare parts from the United States and Western Europe. Furthermore, his computers were known only within parts of Francophone Cameroon and not in Anglophone Cameroon. Computers that came out of his plants were named after the Egyptian Pharaoh Ramses. Pharaoh Ramses is believed or claimed by some specialists of antique Egyptian civilisation to be amongst one of the many Negroes or Blacks pharaohs who ruled ancient Egypt. Njeukam’s plant produced two brands of computers: Ramses 1 & 11 and the fact that, his computers brands bore the names of pharaohs that are adored by those who believe in the Negroid heroic past in the Egyptian ancient civilisation spoke volumes about Mr Njeukam’s ambitions . Egyptian ancient civilisation had one of his promoters, he was the Senegalese anthropologist and specialist of ancient Egypt late Sheik Anta Diop. In Njeukam’s attitude he bore the hallmark of a real pan-Africanist. But it is not clear whether panafricanism which was born in France in February 1919 by African Americans and other people of black African ancestry saw Ramses as their hero or whether Kwame Nkrumah, the Ghanaian leader who championed their ideology in Africa thought of Ramses as a hero.

Rebuilding Haiti May Cost $14 Billion, Study Shows

2010-02-27T02:44:00.000-08:00

Rebuilding Haiti May Cost $14 Billion, Study Shows

Njeukam Kameni

2010-02-22T00:13:00.000-08:00

The October 1997 presidential elections had own her fair share of theatrical pretenders to the throne of president of Cameroon. But, it was the candidature of a certain controversial personality by name Njeukam Kameni, who stood out amongst the many picturesque of presidential candidates. Mr Kameni is one of the many Cameroonians, who joined the Social Democratic Front (SDF), when it was created in 1990, but later on left the party, with profound disenchantment, only to create his own political party, which had extreme and utopian programmes. Njeukam is an intelligent man in his early 40s and married to a beautiful African American woman, with whom, they have children. If the name of a man or the names of his children carry’s a lot of weight, and bears profound significance or ambitions, then, those of the children of Njeukam Kameni, speaks volumes on the man and his hidden ambitions or is perceptions of the world. His children have names such Nkrumah and Lumumba. There was a time in Francophone Cameroon, when Njeukam Kameni was idolised like a rock star. Before the advent of multiparty democracy in Cameroon, he was not referred to as Kwame Nkrumah or Patrice Emery Lumumba, but considered as the local Bill Gates of Francophone Cameroon. For I have to point out that, he was what he was, only in Francophone Cameroon and this because, too often, heroes presented as that of the entire country, are reality local or regional heroes. Most Cameroonian heroes have their hero status confined only within one part of the linguistically divided country. Njeukam Kameni was in reality, not a national hero. He was a he hero to some Francophone Cameroonians and also the Bill Gates of his native region in Francophone Cameroon.

Cameroon: 1997 Presidential elections & some actors

2010-02-21T11:56:00.000-08:00

As for Roselyn, it was during the 1998 convention of the Social Democratic Front (SDF), held at the Yaoundé International Conference centre, that, I knew the right spelling of her name and also discovered that, she was not a very friendly persons or at least, she was not friendly when it comes to rapport with black Africans. From the time that, I wrote a letter to RFI, expressing my desire to work as their correspondent in Cameroon, I think it took 15 or may be 20 days and I received a reply from Mr Simpson Najovits, who was the former head of the English service. He wrote that, they (English-service of RFI) already had a correspondent in Cameroon, but should need arise, they will contact me. That was in the month of September 1997. In Cameroon, October 1997 was the month that, Cameroon was to hold her second multiparty presidential elections. And before the month of October, the main opposition parties namely: Social Democratic Front (SDF) led by John Fru Ndi, National Union for Democracy and Progress (NUDP) led by Bello Bouba Maigari and Cameroon Democratic Union (CDU) led by Dr Adamu Ndam Njoya had opted to boycott the presidential elections, because of fear of massive riggings. The leaders of these political parties were right to opt for a boycott because, in Cameroon, since the re-introduction of multiparty democracy in 1990 and her first multiparty presidential elections in 1992, no elections ever held in the country have been transparent or honest nor did its results ever reflected the votes of the majority.

Elections in Cameroon are simply a formality, organised by the regime in order to appease the international community, that has always put elections as precondition to offer financial aid to rogue regimes. the three main Cameroonian opposition political parties opted to boycott the 1997 presidential elections, but took part in legislative and municipal elections. However, there other political parties that opted to take part in the charade called 1997 presidential elections. Political parties that opted to take part in the 1997 presidential elections were in reality, subsidiaries of the ruling party. That said and written, there were nonetheless some w real opposition party, who were surfing on the wave of their past glories and were also fragmented and whose leaders choose to take part in 1997 Presidential elections. One of such were the two factions of the oldest political party in French-speaking Cameroon: Union for the Population of Cameroon (UPC). She had two factions and two leaders, all claiming to be the political offspring of French-speaking Cameroonian nationalists. They were Professor Henri Hogbe Nlend and Augustine Frederick Kodock both held the titles of secretary general of their respective factions of the UPC that were euphemistically known as UPC H and UPC K. There was even a third faction of the UPC. It was called UPC N or UPC Ndeh Ntumazah, who logically and historically, can be referred to as the only one fit to lay claim to the authentic or historic wing of the UPC. But he was an English-speaking Cameroonian, who in 1992 supported the SDF and in 1997, he never deemed it fit to fill in his candidature in a presidential race that had no suspense.

Exotic International Radio Stations

2010-02-20T00:42:00.000-08:00

We were only allowed to list the names of “exotic” international radio stations such as: Radio Albania, broadcasting from Tirana, Radio Romania International, broadcasting from Bucharest, Radio Tehran, broadcasting from Iran, Radio United Arab Emirates, La Voix de la Revolution, broadcasting from Brazzaville, Congo, Radio RSA now Channel Africa, broadcasting from Johannesburg in South Africa, Voice of Nigeria (VON), broadcasting from Lagos, Christian Science Monitor, broadcasting from Boston, Massachusetts in the United Sates, Radio NHK from Tokyo, Japan, Radio Netherlands, Trans World Radio, broadcasting from Hong Kong, Radio Beijing, China and the English service of Radio France International ( RFI). I did not win the competition. I was not the one who had listened to the largest or highest number of short wave international radio stations. I was only able to mention in our competition the names of 150 Radio stations with the names of cities where they were broadcasting from. In addition, we had to add the names of countries and also the name of a programme we had listened. I had one friend whose name I can’t recall, who had on his list, more than 200 radio stations around the world with name various programmes, that he has been able to listen.

But that radio competition was helpful, for it made me to discover the English service of RFI and also Radio RSA and Voice of Nigeria. I had to stick with Voice of Nigeria and she became my second preferred Broadcasters after the BBC. I was attracted to Voice of Nigeria because of two reasons. The first was their international programmes 60 minutes and the commentaries of an exceptional commentator, by name Mohamed Okurojo. As for RFI in general and the English service in particular, they were never my preferred broadcasters. I listened to them like sick person who takes generic drugs, because he could not afford the original . Nonetheless, there were some names that I retained. They were names of David Page, Tony Cross, and Roselyn Hymns that I formerly thought was Roselyn Yam, Daniel Singleton, Julia Crawford and Barbara Guidice that I used to think it was Barbara Judith Jay. But it was only when I came to Paris that, I knew the right spellings and pronunciations of Barbara’s surname which was: Guidice.

African Cup of Nations finals: Ghana versus Egypt

2010-01-31T07:56:00.000-08:00

In under five minutes the finals of the African Cup of Nations will kick off at the November 11th stadium of Luanda, the capital of Angola.

How I began stringing for the English service of Radio France International (RFI)

2010-01-31T05:23:00.000-08:00

I decided to make use of the links and network of friends, which I had created during my two years stay at CRTV, in order to get contracts for the production of documentaries and other activities, which needed video filming. But, I was missing the broadcasting world and in September 1997, I think at the start of the month or in the middle of September, I wrote a letter to the management of Radio France International, informing them of my desire to work as a stringer with the English service. But before writing to the management of RFI, because of reasons latter mentioned and which will be developed in greater details below, I had first written or applied to work for the BBC. But they replied that, they already had a stringer in Cameroon. RFI, in particular, her French and English services, were never my best foreign broadcasters. I never bothered to listen to them. However, I did occasionally listen to them, especially when I was not able to receive the signals of the BBC. My best foreign broadcaster has and will always be the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC). I have a hereditary affection for the Beeb transmitted to me by my father. I think, I began listening to the BBC in my mother’s womb and when I was 9 years old; my father bought me my first transistor radio, that was fixed or constantly tuned to the BBC. The best programmes I used to listen were: Focus on Africa and News Hour, presented by Robin White and Robin Lustig.

But sometimes, the News Hour was presented by a certain Julian Marshall. But occasionally, I did listen to the English service of RFI and I used to like a letter programme, presented by David Page. But I only came to discover the existence of the English service of Radio France International (RFI) in 1988, when I was a form two student at the Vocational College of Arts Science and Technology (VOCAST) in Muyuka. This was during a competition that I and other students of my class introduced, in order to discover or find out who had listened to the highest number of radio stations, broadcasting on short wave. However, in order to avoiding students from going home to ask their parents or older brothers /sisters or any other member of their families to give them the names of international radios that was broadcasting via the short waves, competitors, had to bring the names of new stations, country and city of broadcast and the name of at least one programme. I had listened to close to 150 Radio stations via my Philips transistor radio, bought by my father. The only stations that were not to be found on the list of those of us who were in the competition were BBC and VOA (Voice of America). Why? It was simply because; both broadcasters were popular in Anglophone Cameroon.

My spell at Elimbi Newspaper

2010-01-09T04:10:00.000-08:00

It was after those phases mentioned earlier, that, I joined the editorial desk of Elimbi Newspaper. But, the paper that I joined, was not only a shadow of her original self, Elimbi newspaper, had also lost its incendiary, tribalist and hate propagating tone. I joined the regionalist paper, as head of the English section. I also think that, I was the last head of the Anglophone desk. Why? Simply because, John Epee Mandengue who was the main sponsor had left Cameroon and he had no plans of ever returning. The Elimbi newspaper that I joined, I must insist, had nothing of her former financial potentials and also had no potentials to spread the regional and tribal prejudice, which it used to pride itself of. It was during my brief spell at Elimbi newspaper that I had the opportunity to have an interview with Professor Gotlieb Lobe Monekosso. Professor Monekosso was a former minister of Health in Cameroon. Prior to his appointment as minister of health in one President Paul Biya’s many governments, he was the retired head of the Africa section or region of the World Health Organisation (WHO) with headquarters in Brazzaville, Congo Republic.

Professor Monekosso is an Anglophone and also one of the many who left after unification and opted for a Nigerian nationality. He worked in Nigeria and represented Nigeria in Tanzania on health matters. But he (Professor Lobe Monekosso) was lured back to Cameroon courtesy late Dr Bernard Fonlon, whom late President Amadou Ahidjo had task to sort out and bring home, all Anglophone intellectuals around the world, especially those who were disgruntled after unification. Monekosso was amongst the very few who accepted to come back and was given a post of responsibility and latter on, he was proposed as Cameroon’s candidate for the post of head of WHO Africa region. Anglophone Cameroonians who listened to the flattering words of late Dr Fonlon and came back to Cameroon had a mixture of success and disappointments. It was profound disappointment to most returnees, who thought that, the freedom of speech and democratic culture that existed in former British Southern Cameroon’s will be replicated in a unified Cameroon, which had French-speakers as the majority. I worked as head of the English desk of Elimbi for three months and decided to resign because, I was not paid. I never wanted a repeat of what happened to me at CRTV, where I stayed for two years, working without pay and expecting to be given a permanent contract. Hence, I thought it was best to start my own communications structure.

John Epee Mandengue’s frosty rapport with the Anglophone Press

2010-01-04T00:03:00.000-08:00

As for John Epee Mandengue, he was ambitious and he can’t be reproached for that. But he had an unclean record with the Press, especially those from the English-speaking region of Cameroon. Why? Perhaps because, they were much more investigative and did not accept all what he claimed or did. He led an antagonistic rapport with the Anglophone Press to the point of sending to jail Mr Paddy Mbawa, one of the well-known Anglophone journalist and Editor of the most popular Anglophone newspaper at the time: Cameroon Post. Mandengue was also planning to do the same with Ntemfack Ofegeh, another famous Anglophone nationalist journalist, who is the publisher of Newswatch magazine. Hence, when problems began piling up against John Epee Mandengue, he could not rely or use his Anglophone base to support him or use the Anglophone press either. Things did not work out for Mandengue as he had wanted. He came from Nigeria to exploit a regime that was dictatorial, corrupt and overtly ethno-regionalist, but strangely, he was instead the one who was exploited and dumped by the very system he thought he mastered. John Epee Mandengue’s story and experience in Cameroon resembles the core of the novel of Camara Leye in titled: the Black boy. He felt he was too intelligent than the system or government, but he discovered to his expense that, the system was much more intelligent and brutal than he was. And it is certain that, the travails that, John began having in Cameroon, made him to recall his wife’s warnings. Mandengue’s Nigerian wife had forewarned him. She clearly told him to about steer clear from politics. But what did he told her when he went back to Lagos, Nigeria to meet her.

Laurent Esso and how the Douala based insurance firm: Province Reunie was closed (part 2)

2010-01-02T19:07:00.000-08:00

And since Mr Esso was an ally of John Epee Mandengue, there was no way he (Thomas) could expect to have any fair treatment in his company’s dispute with the state and that, it was the Justice Minister, who had the final word. Province Reunie lost her licence to operate as an insurance firm in Cameroon and soon after, he (Thomas Tobbo Eyoum) was unseated as the government’s delegate or Lord Mayor of the Greater Douala City council. John and Thomas could be likened to birds of the same feather. They were both businessmen with political ambitions. As for their ancestries, they both used it to their advantage as well as it disadvantages. But by and large, they both knew how to make use of their intricate web of family, tribal or national links, existing in the West African state, which was strangely not affected, modified and not even destroyed with the advent of colonialism. While some purest may doubt John’s claim to be a native of Deido, Thomas was also suspected of being economical with his ancestry. Even though he also claimed to be a native of Deido, it was rumoured that, he was in fact a native of the Nkam division of the Littoral province. He was precisely from the Bodiman nation or tribe.

Laurent Esso and how the Douala based insurance firm: Province Reunie was closed

2009-12-30T04:21:00.001-08:00

Even though Peter Mafany Musonge and Chief Ephraim Inoni were from the same province and more, they were both Anglophones and even shared the same ethnic group, they were not from the same town. The first was from Buea, while the second was from the West coast sub division, precisely from the town of Idenao, situated north of the city of Victoria (Limbe). Like most elites of the coastal Anglophone region, Chief Ephraim Inoni frowned at the preference that, the central government in Yaoundé, had toward the natives of Buea, when it came to governmental appointments. The other problem that Mr Ephraim Inoni had vis-à-vis former Prime Minister Mafany was that, he (Inoni) thought that, Peter Mafany was not a bona fide member of the ruling party: Cameroon’s People Democratic Movement (CPDM) as he (Inoni) was. Hence, when John’s case against Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC) for breach of contract was ruled in his disfavour, he had no other alternative than park and leave Cameroon for Lagos, Nigeria. But strange as it would appear, it was as though, John Epee Mandengue and Thomas Tobbo Eyoum had their fates tied to each other. For as John was loosing his business and his political ambitions in Cameroon, because of his competition with Thomas, the second was also loosing his insurance company: Province Reunie and also his political asset in the city of Douala. This was so because, Province Reunie insurance company owned by Thomas Tobbo Eyoum had her own legal problems with the state and it was Laurent Esso, who was Justice Minister at the time who had to adjudicate on the matter.

How Thomas Tobbo Eyoum plotted the fall of John Epee Mandengue

2009-10-19T16:44:00.000-07:00

Thomas Tobbo Eyoum MP, was the friend of Mr Quang. He knew that, Mr Quang had the support of His Royal Highness Chief William Manga Mbile Ferguson, the traditional head of Victoria(Limbe) and the Bakweri ethnic group of the city. This support was important because, even though the government is in agreement or is in contact in all parts of Cameroon with traditional leaders/rulers, in Anglophone Cameroon, traditional leaders/ruler have much more influence. Hence, the majority French-speaking government in Yaoundé did make sure to have them as allies and not adversaries. Mindful of all the elements that played in favour of Henry Njalla Quang, who was by this time, the new Managing Director of Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC), Mr. Thomas decided to contact Mr Quang in order to complain about John Epee Mandengue. Thomas Tobbo Eyoum presented his case against Mr Mandengue to Henry Njalla Quang in an astute manner.

He presented his case against Mr Mandengue as a political threat not to him (Thomas) but more to Henry Njalla Quang. Thomas Tobbo Eyoum knew that, his friend (Henry) also desired the post of Prime minister, which was occupied then by Peter Mafany Musonge. But Henry never knew what to do or how to counter the speculative political threats allegedly posed to his ambitions by John Epee Mandengue, especially that, he was not based in the South west province. But Thomas nonetheless convinced him to suspend all insurance contracts that, John’s company Broking Services International had with CDC. When the news of the breach of contract linking CDC to Broking Service International reached John Epee Mandengue, he (John) immediately rang his cousin who was Prime minister. But he was soon discovering to his chagrin that, his cousin although a Prime minister, could not do anything to help him. Why? For Henry Njalla Quang, even though welding no political power, he was nevertheless appointed by the President of the Republic and a Prime minister had little or no influence on him or any other person directly appointed by the President of the Republic.

In Cameroon, all strategic companies such as the CDC have at their heads only managers who are appointed personally by the head of state and answerable to him directly. The lost of the contract that Broking Services International had with CDC was also the beginning of the end of John Epee Mandengue’s experimental return to Cameroon. John Epee Mandengue decided to go back to his native Nigeria after it became evident to him that, the centre could no longer hold because things had fallen apart, but he never wanted to go without fighting. He decided to file a court case against CDC for breach of contract, but it was a loosing battle, for Njalla Quang, fearing repercussion of what he has done and the eventual reaction of the Prime minister Peter Mafany Musonge, he (Quang) decided to send a distress call to his political ally Chief Inoni Ephraim, who was at the time deputy secretary General at the presidency of the Republic. Mr Ephraim assured his friend (Quang) of his support.

Allies of Henry Njalla Quang

2009-01-18T20:38:00.000-08:00

The ruling party and government officials began assessing how useful he (Henry Njalla Quang) could be. Some within the government even wanted him to be appointed Prime minister. While Mr Quang had a lot of potentials, some government elites nonetheless resolved to propose for the post of prime minister, the name Peter Mafany Musonge. And in 1996, Mr Musonge, General Manager of Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC) was appointed Prime minister. It was a political battle fought between the Bakweris of Victoria-Limbe against those of Buea. The latter won because of reasons I had already mentioned and also because, even though Mr Quang is a native of Victoria-Limbe, his ancestry on his paternal side posed a problem to a government that, had earlier ignited the flame of tribal and ethnic xenophobia, in a bid to win and secure power in Cameroon in general and Anglophone Cameroon in particular. Even though Henry Njalla Quang had lost out to Musonge, he was later on appointed General Manager of CDC. Mr Quang also had his political allies within the ruling party in Anglophone Cameroon and also in Francophone Cameroon, but they weren’t as strong as those of Mr Musonge. Top amongst them were Chief Inoni Ephraim, who had respectively held the post of Secretary General at the ministry of Finance and the first deputy Secretary General at the Presidency of the Republic and is currently Prime minister.

His other allies were: late Moussa Tchouta Mbatam, former ruling party MP of the Nde division in the West province and former Director General of the National Ports Authority of Cameroon, with headquarters in Douala and Thomas Tobbo Eyoum MP who was the former lord mayor of the Greater Douala city council. Henry Njalla Quang who became the darling of the ruling party, the presidency of the Republic and members of government seemed to have achieved a lot , but his promotions and potentials was notwithstanding short or not enough to meet or fulfil his aspirations for the post of Prime minister. He may have thought that, his activism in sports and also the fact that, he resisted the onslaughts of Mrs Victoria Tomedi Ndando MP and John Ebai Tang MP, who were both hyperactive members of the opposition Social Democratic Front (SDF) and the second doubling as mayor of Victoria-Limbe, made him a suitable candidate for the post of prime minister . But as already mentioned, he lost and perhaps he will be appointed Prime minister during the next appointment in 2011. While Mr Quang was struggling to be appointed prime minister, his friend (Thomas) was squaring off with another political animal called John Epee Mandengue. In that battle, blood was bound to flow, for Thomas Tobbo Eyoum knew that, if he doesn’t destroy John Epee Mandengue, he (Thomas) will be the one to be destroyed politically.

Brief Bio of Cameroon's Prime minister: Chief Inoni Ephraim

2008-08-24T08:25:00.000-07:00

Mr Inoni Ephraim was appointed to the honorary, but nonetheless, prestigious post of Prime minister, on the 4th of December 2004. The post of Prime minister, is one those flashy posts of responsibility, that in Cameroon, the majority French-speaking government in Yaoundé, earmarks for Anglophone Cameroonians, who it must be stressed, can never be nominated to head any strategic posts in the country. Some strategic posts of responsibilities barred to Anglophone Cameroonians, are: Defence, Finance and Territorial administration (Home affairs) ministries. Before his appointment in 2004, it was rumoured in 1996 that, he was slated to replace Prime Minister Simon Achidi Achu MP, another Anglophone, who was from the North West province and who to forego his post, because of reasons earlier mentioned. Mr Inoni also doubles as the traditional head of the village of Idenao, located in West coast. West coast is a region and also an electoral constituency, that is not far from the post city of Victoria. Chief Inoni Ephraim was born on the 16th of August 1947 in Victoria, South west province. He is a graduate of Saint Paul College, Bonjongo, Buea and Regina Pacis College of Mutengene. Both secondary schools are located in the South West province. After his secondary education, he furthered his studies at the Ecole Nationale d’administration et de la Magistrature (ENAM) in Yaoundé and graduated in 1977.

He has held several top responsibilities within the civil service of his country. He has worked as Chief Accountant at the provincial Treasury in Bamenda, provincial capital of the North West province (1979-81). From Bamenda, he was appointed as the deputy Inspector general of Treasury of the Littoral province, with headquarters in Douala, the provincial capital. In Douala, he became the municipal Treasurer, a post he held from 1981-82. From Douala, he was appointed Treasurer of the Cameroons Embassy in Washington DC (1982-84). In the United States, he registered for a Masters Degree course at the Southern Eastern University, where he graduated with an MBA in Public Administration. Until his appointment as Prime minister in 2004, he held the posts of first deputy secretary general at the Presidency of the Republic1994-97. Prior to working at the presidency, he was, Director of sales at the ministry of Finance in 1984-88. He is also member of the Board of Directors of the formerly state owned utility: SONEL now called AESSONEL, since it was privatised. He was also member of the board of directors of the now liquidated Cameroon Bank. He is currently the chair of the Board of Directors of Standard Chartered Bank, Cameroon. Prime Minister Inoni Ephraim is a practising Christian and precisely member of the Cameroon Anglican Church. He attends service every Sunday. He is married and father of four Children. His wife’s name is Lydia Nalova Litumbe. She holds a Bachelors of Science[1].

[1] Pages B-107 , Cameroun- les Hommes de pouvoir, Indigo publications, Paris, France, June 2001.

Battle for the Post of Prime minister amongst Anglophone Cameroonians

2008-08-23T02:56:00.000-07:00

Elites of the South West province, who were showing extravagant interest in the battle that, the ruling majority French-speaking government in Yaoundé, was carrying out against the North West province or its elites; were: Professor Peter Agbor Tabi, former minister Higher Education and currently Pro-Chancellor of the University of Buea. Mr Tabi is a native of Mamfe, headquarters of Manyu division. The others were: Namata Ewanga Ebenezer MP from Kumba West electoral constituency, Henry Njalla Quang, Director General of CDC, who was/is from Victoria and Dr Mrs Dorothy Nujeuma, who was the former Vice Chancellor of the University of Buea. It must be recalled that, The University of Buea, is the only full-fledged state owned Anglophone University in Cameroon. Dr Mrs Dorothy Nujeuma is a native of Buea. There was also from Mamfe, another expectant figure, who was waiting to feast on the spoil of the battle, pitting the Francophone ruling elites in Yaoundé against a section of elites from the North West province. The expectant figure was Peter Oben Ashu, the controversial and astonishingly ethno-xenophobic, former governor of the South West province. Why did the majority French-speaking ruling elites in Yaoundé, fall out with their Anglophone pals from the North West province?

It was simply because; the latter were now leading the opposition, to the designs of the seemingly eternal rule of Paul Biya’s regime and also carrying out a thinly veiled battle against the perpetual political hegemony of French-speaking Cameroonians. However, out of all those South west elites latter mentioned who were and are still members of the ruling CPDM party, only three singled themselves out and thus were serious pretenders to any prestigious posts in Cameroon that were reserved to Anglophones. Top amongst them was the extraordinary, Henry Njalla Quang. Why? It was simply because; he was the chair of local football club called Electricity Sport Football Club or Elect Sports FC of Victoria (Limbe). This club was formerly chaired by lawyer Innocent Bonnu. The city of Victoria, where is located the lone oil refinery of Cameroon, is one of the two coastal towns of Anglophone Cameroon with seaports and whose development was abandoned by the majority French-speaking government in Yaoundé, immediately after unification. Besides Elect Sports Football Club, Victoria or Limbe, has another Football Club, perhaps much more popular than the former. She is called Victoria United aka one people one power (opopo).

Both football clubs reflect the political divide and acrimony that the unification of Anglophone Cameroon with French-speaking Republic of Cameroon has caused and left on minds and amongst Anglophone Cameroonians from the former British protectorate of Southern Cameroon’s within the city of Victoria. It is rumoured that, while Victoria United FC was created by those who wanted the independence of former British administered Southern Cameroon’s, but some of whom, were also for integration with Nigeria, the founders of Elect Sports Football Club seem to be people who supported unification. Those details mentioned, it is important to recall that, it was Mr Quang’s activism, especially in sport, when he succeeded to take over the chairmanship of Elect Sports Football Club of Victoria (Limbe) from Mr Innocent Bonnu, a rich and popular lawyer, but who was suspected to be a supporter of the opposition SDF, that he (Quang), became visible on the radar of the government and ruling party stalwarts in Yaoundé. Before then, he was one of the many local champions in the South West province, in search for national recognition.

Anglophone Cameroon's unity façade

2008-08-19T01:09:00.000-07:00

In a simplistic manner, it is often claim that, the people of the north of Anglophone Cameroon, otherwise known as the North West province, have enjoyed a special love and preferential affair with the majority and governing French-speaking government in Yaoundé. But in reality, those who benefited from the erstwhile or the claimed special rapport that existed between elites of the North West province and elites of the governing majority French-speaking Cameroonians in Yaoundé, were principally North West elites, who originated from the same region and towns within Mezam division and from Bamenda city in particular. The others, who benefited from the erstwhile treaty, that linked the majority French-speaking central government in Yaoundé with Anglophone elites of the nationality or region earlier mentioned, were a special highly enterprising nation/tribe of the North West province called the Mettas. The Mettas succeeding in being part of the decried latter mentioned syndicate, courtesy their formidable greater Widikum mafia, which has given birth to sub mafia clans such as the Batibo & Bafochu Mafias. Anglophone Cameroon has a unity façade, which is the envy of French-speaking Cameroonians.
But under that feel-good and united-we-stand, propaganda, that some Anglophone nationalists like to extol, there is a visceral dichotomy, pitting Anglophones elites from the North or North West province, against Anglophones from the south, known today as the South west province.

But beyond those dichotomies, whose roots are old and has which been exacerbated by the outcome of the 1961 unification treaty, there is an intra North West dichotomy and also an intra South west dichotomy. The latter has been superficially treated above, but the former’s own cause and problems it has orchestrated, has not been treated or mentioned in detail hereon. It is therefore necessary to mention hereon that, the North West province, have it own set of dichotomies. It is crystallised by the conflicts that pit elites from a part of the North West province known as far North West, against those of Momo and Mezam divisions, who seem to have benefited overwhelmingly, from political appointments, since 1961. But as the rapport between elites of the North west province and elites of the governing majority French-speakers in Yaoundé was deteriorating, because the former became the leaders of pro-democracy movements and political parties in the county, elites of the South of Anglophone Cameroon, otherwise known as the South West province stood ready on the sidelines to benefit from the spoil of war of the former friends.

Is Biya's rule a continuation of that late Ahmadou Ahidjo

2008-08-16T06:21:00.000-07:00

It is often claim that, Biya’s rule is the continuation of that of his predecessor, late Ahmadou Ahidjo. While it is not entirely wrong, I am nevertheless of the opinion that, the 90s were the years, when Paul Biya, took a distant from his predecessor and began stamping his own rule or ideology in Cameroon. Hence, by nominating Peter Mafany Musonge as Prime minister in 1996, and this, to replace Mr Simon Achidi Achu MP, who was holding the post since April 1992, and who was/is a native of the north of Anglophone Cameroon, otherwise known as North west province, Paul Biya did not only put an end to his predecessor’s Anglophone Cameroon politics, he also heralded the genesis of his as own independent political policies, which as already mentioned, started in the 90s. Therefore, in my humble opinion, it was only after Paul Biya survived the social and political upheavals of the 90s, which rocked the foundation of the country, that, he began to lay the ground works of his political policies, which was to be fundamentally different from those of his predecessor. Paul Biya’s change of policy, especially in the way the governing majority French-speaking Cameroonians, dealt with Anglophone Cameroonians, was appreciated in the south or coastal region of Anglophone Cameroon, otherwise known as the South west province and this by some of her elites.

Ironically, the change or cosmetic change of Anglophone policy, which was in reality design to divide the unity of Anglophone Cameroonians, did not change the frustration and mistrust that, Anglophones from the South west province, the same as their kith and kin from the north or North West province, harboured or still harbours toward the central government in Yaoundé, which is predominantly French-speaking. The appointment of Mr Musonge as Prime minister as already started was pleasant to some elites of the South west province, but it also sparked a simmering intra coastal Anglophone or South West provincial rivalries. For some elites from power broking centres of the South west province, such as Mamfe, Victoria, Kumba, Mundemba and Mienji, frowned at the fact that, whenever there was any prestigious post earmarked to elites from their region or province, the chosen persons are/were almost always from Buea. The disappointment with the appointment of Peter Mafany Musonge as prime minister, from a section of the elites of the South west province, stems from the fact that, prior to Musonge’s nomination, there were already two elites of the South west province, who were warming up on sidelines, waiting to exploit the spoils of the announced end of the love rapport, that bounded the French-speaking dominated central government in Yaoundé with elites of the North West province.

Unwritten laws and rules of Cameroon and Brief bio of Peter Mafany Musonge

2008-08-15T02:31:00.000-07:00

Unwritten laws and rules of Cameroon

The last unwritten law or rule in Cameroon, and which has since been broken, is that which states that, English-speaking Cameroonians from the south or coastal part of the Anglophone region, which is currently known as the South west province, are/ were barred since the unification of October 1st 1961, to head prestigious posts, designated to English-speaking Cameroonians. Those roles or posts left to English-speaking Cameroonians, which are largely ceremonial, were almost always given to English-speaking Cameroonians from the north of the Anglophone region, otherwise known as the North West province. It may explain why, since the unification, the ceremonial positions of vice president, speakers of parliament and prime ministers, when they are English-speaking Cameroonians, were all natives/nationals from the north of the Anglophone region of Cameroon, otherwise known as North West province. Why were North westerners given preferential treatment by the governing Francophone central government in Yaoundé? It is rumoured that, late El Hadj Amadou Ahidjo, the first president of independent French-speaking Republic of Cameroon and first president of the unified Federal Republic of Cameroon, wanted to punish the people of the south or coastal region of Anglophone Cameroon, known today as the South West. Why? Simply because, the late right honourable EML Endeley MP, former prime minister of British administered Southern Cameroon’s campaigned vigorously against unification with French-speaking Cameroon in the plebiscite of February 1961. The final out come of the 1961 plebiscite set the platform for the October 1961 unification. What is not known is how late Ahidjo would have reacted if as it turnout in the 90s, the Anglophone region of the North West that he preferred became lighting-rod of all those opposed to his regime and the present configuration of the country.

Peter Mafany Musonge

But Paul Biya, the predecessor of late Ahidjo decided in 1996 to stop the appointment of elites of the North of Anglophone Cameroon otherwise known as the North West province to honorary but all the same prestigious position of Prime minister in Cameroon. Hence, he appointed Peter Mafany Musonge as Prime minister. Who is Peter Mafany Musonge? He was born on the 3rd of December 1942 in Buea. Before his appointment as Prime Minister in September 1996, he had held the following post of responsibilities: from 1973-76 he was deputy director at the Ministry of Housing and Public Works, from 1980-84, he was Director General of Laboratoire national de genie civil (Labogenie), from 1984-87, he was Director General of the Parc National du Materiel de genie Civil (Matgenie) and from 1988-96, he was Director General of Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC). He became a card holding member of the ruling Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM) in September 1996 and member of the central committee (decision making body) of the same party in October 1996. Mr Musonge attended his primary and secondary education in Buea and furthered his schooling in the United States. In the United Sates he attended Drexel Institute of Technology in Philadelphia and Stanford University in California. From both institutions, he graduated respectively with a Bachelor of Science degree in civil Engineering and a Masters of Science degree in structural Engineering .

Brief Biography of Henry Njalla Quang

2008-08-11T02:38:00.000-07:00

Mr Henry Njalla Quang was appointed to the post of Managing Director of the Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC) in 1998. CDC is the largest agro-industrial establishment in West Africa and second employer in Cameroon after the government. Mr Henry Njalla Quang was born in 1949 in the village of Wovia. Wovia is a village located on the outskirts of the city of Victoria (Limbe). Although a native of the fishermen and farmers village called Wovia, via his maternal ancestry, Mr Quang is one of the many offspring of the many black Africans whose ancestry can be traced to Liberia, Sierra Leone, Fernando Po, currently known as Equatorial Guinea and the Caribbean. Whether he is of Sierra Leonean or Liberian ancestry, as generally claimed, it is not known. But one thing is certain, he like many others, who now claim to be natives of Victoria, the reality are in fact that, they are either progenies of freed slaves from Britain and the Americas, who settled in the afore mentioned countries or are progenies of the many other black Africans, caught on slave ships by the British navy patrolling the Gulf of Guinea. Another singularity with the city of Victoria and its surrounding coastal villages is that, most of those who claim today to be aboriginals are not. The only people who can pretend to be bona fide aboriginals are those from the hinterland villagers surrounding Victoria. In other words in Victoria proper the preponderant majority of those pretending to be natives are. And this destroys the ethno-regionalist xenophobia policies of the government floated in the 90s. And concerning Blacks who were caught on slave ships, they were freed by the British and then settled along the coast of Southern Cameroon’s and on the coast and on islands of eastern Nigeria and the Nigerian Niger Delta regions in particular.

Political activists and an opportunist

Mr Henry Njalla Quang studied in his native region and furthered his education in Nigeria and also in Sierra Leone, precisely at the prestigious Forahbay University College of Freetown, where he graduated with a Masters degree in Industrial and Mechanical Engineering. He came back to Cameroon in 1975 and was employed at the National Ports Authority of Cameroon, with headquarters in Douala. There, he held a senior management position until he was appointed General Manager of CDC in 1998. His appointment came just two years after his predecessor and political rival, Peter Mafany Musonge was appointed Prime minister. Mr Quang is a political activists and an opportunist. He first attracted the attention of the officials of the ruling CPDM party, in 1990. At that time, the Francophone ruling elites were looking for a possible replacement of former Prime Minister Sardou Hayatou. But the idea was dropped because, even though he was/is English-speaking Cameroonian, he was nonetheless from the south of Anglophone Cameroon, otherwise known as the South west province. For in Cameroon, there are several unwritten laws and rules. One has it that, even though Cameroon is officially a bilingual English and French-speaking Cameroon, French remains the official language. The second also has it that, nationals from both regions are equal and could assume any function in the country. But in reality, English-speaking Cameroonians are barred from strategic posts of responsibilities in Cameroon such as ministry of Finance, Defence and Territorial Administration (Interior).

Rivalry between Henry Njalla Quang and Peter Mafany Musonge

2008-08-10T04:03:00.000-07:00

Henry Njalla Quang is an Anglophone from the coastal region of Anglophone Cameroon known as the South West province. He is an ethnic Bakweri, precisely from the town of Victoria (Limbe), whereas the former Prime Minister, Peter Mafany Musonge was/is a native of Buea, former capital of British Southern Cameroon’s and currently, provincial capital of the South West. Another twist is that, there is an internecine rivalry between elites of the South west province. But there is also another more intriguing one. It is that which teams up elites from other parts of the South west province against elites, who are natives of the town of Buea. Once again, it is important to point out that, Buea is the provincial capital of the South west and it is therefore weird to discover that, elites from the same province will be scheming against those from Buea. But for every positive or negative reaction, there must be an action that has sparked the positive or negative reaction. The reason why, elites from the entire South west province are ganging up against those from Buea is not difficult to fathom. For it seem as though, elites from Buea have always enjoyed privileges in political appointments in Cameroon, since the unification of 1961. And the feeling that elites from Buea have been given preferential treatment by the Francophone ruling elites in Yaoundé has created jealousy amongst elites from other regions within the South West province.

This intra south west rivalry could be considered as a vertical one. For there is another form of rivalry within elites of Anglophone Cameroon in general and this one could be classified as horizontal. This horizontal rivalry, pits elites of the coastal part of Anglophone Cameroon known as the South west against elites of the north of Anglophone Cameroon, otherwise known as the North West province. And the root cause of the rivalry is the same as those pitting the entire south west province against elites from the provincial capital, Buea. The intra south western elites’ rivalry may explain why Mr Henry Njalla Quang, who was/is a native of Victoria, and also the new person in charge of CDC, did not want in anyway, to have any kind of sympathies or allegiance toward his predecessor, who was at the time Prime minister. Hence, Thomas Tobbo Eyoum, who was at war with John Epee Mandengue and even though the former was not English-speaking and also not a native of the South west province, was aware of the rivalry between Henry Njalla Quang and Peter Mafany Musonge, hence he ( Thomas) dashed into the rivalry and exploited it to his advantage. He (Thomas) was equally aware that, the appointment of Njalla Quang as new manager of CDC was not achieved through pressure; lobbying or recommendation of Peter Mafany Musonge, but through the discretions of the head of state, Paul Biya and Mr Biya enjoys creating rivalries between elites of the same region.

Manoka Island

2008-08-07T08:41:00.000-07:00

Thomas certainly had stronger connections within the ruling CPDM party than John and Thomas could also have destroyed John, politically and economically, faster than expected, if it were not for the timely intervention of the traditional head of Deido. But in early 1997, Thomas felt that, it was time to finish with John Epee Mandengue: economically and politically. Why? Simply because, in spite the mediation of the traditional head of Deido, during the constitution of the party list for the primaries within the ruling CPDM party, John Epee Mandengue, Armand Din Bell and Laurent Esso, who was Minister of Justice at that time, constituted the same list or were in the same camp. John Epee Mandengue’s list was constituted prior to the legislative elections of 1997. Thomas therefore discovered that, he had several other potential and much more powerful political enemies than John Epee Mandengue, who was his obsession. It must be recalled that, John became the political enemy and rival of Thomas since the former took over the moribund Leopard Football Club of Deido and transformed it into one of the three prestigious football clubs of the country. But while Thomas was battling on several fronts, he nevertheless succeeded to win the primaries organised within the ruling CPDM party and went on to be elected MP.

Thomas Tobbo Eyoum was elected MP for the Douala sixth parliamentary constituency, based in the Island of Manoka. The Douala sixth constituency is made up of the Islands of Swelaba, Cape Cameroon and Manoka. Manoka Island is the largest of the three islands. She is located some 30 km away from mainland Douala and it is inhabited in majority by Nigerians, Beninese, Liberians and Ghanaian fishermen & women. Manoka is 20km in length and 17km in width and has little or no infrastructure. It has a prison constructed by the Germans and used by the French and the regime of late Amadou Ahidjo to jail rebel or nationalists of the UPC and also those who were opposed to his rule. It used to have a large sawmill, railways and a jetty meant to export timber exploited on Manoka Island and adjoining ones. But all those infrastructure left by the Germans and sustained by a Timber exploitation company for while, has been left to ruin after exploitable timber was exhausted. Manoka island and the other Islands belonging administratively to the Wouri division of the Littoral province are surviving economically because of Nigerian fishermen and Nigerian businessmen and women, without them, it would have become desolate uninhabited islands. After the victory of Thomas, he registered another victory. Peter Mafany Musonge, the cousin of John Epee Mandengue was still Prime minister but he was no longer the Director General of CDC. The new Director General of CDC was Henry Njalla Quang.

Niat Njifenji Marcel

2008-08-03T03:54:00.000-07:00

Nevertheless, Thomas had an advantage over John. He had well established connections within the ruling CPDM party that even John’s cousin who was prime minister, did not have. Why? Because Peter Mafany Musonge was not a real CPDM militant, he was not even a politician, for he did not have any elective post, his political career was achieve via the chaperoning of Paul Biya. It is the connections that Thomas Tobbo Eyoum had within the ruling party, which he employed, like a steamroller against John Epee Mandengue. In the beginning, John resisted like a rock, because Thomas had problems with Laurent Esso, who was at a point, a partner in the nefarious fabulous four (John, Thomas, Laurent and Armand), who were the ideologues of the tribal and supremacist group, that was viscerally against the Bamilekes in Douala and in the Littoral province in general. However John had another pressing problem, which made him vulnerable. This time around, it was the contract with the Song-lulu section of the National Electricity Corporation (SONEL), which his company Broking Services International had and was thus, insuring the staff and equipments. The said contract was on the line or facing termination. For the managing director of the state utility, late Niat Njifenji Marcel, who was a member of the central committee of the ruling party as Thomas Tobbo Eyoum MP was, and he was considering revoking the contract.

Why? It is/was the friendship that Thomas had with Marcel, who was an ethnic Bamileke, and whose tribe or nationality were the staple and target of hate from Elimbi newspaper, owned by John Epee Mandengue, that made Thomas Tobbo Eyoum to have a decisive lead in his battle against John Epee Mandengue. How? At the heat of their battle, Thomas took a copy of Elimbi newspaper to Yaoundé. It was during a meeting of the Central committee of the ruling CPDM party and gave it to Niat Njifenji Marcel. Immediately, Niat read the paper, as an ethnic Bamileke, he came back to Douala annoyed and rang John. He told him that, he was suspending the insurance contract linking Broking Services International with SONEL. All attempts at explanations from John Epee Mandengue did not change things. The lost of the insuring contract with the Song-lulu division of the National Electricity Corporation of Cameroon (SONEL) meant that, John had to curtail his expenditure and also his political ambitions. He no longer had the same financial withal to continue his political battle with Thomas Tobbo Eyoum. But he could console himself that he still had an important contract with CDC. The mediation of the traditional chief of Deido, His Royal Highness Gustave Essaka Ekwalla, may not have averted the showdown between two of his illustrious subjects, but it certainly delayed the political and economic demolition of John Epee Mandengue, embarked upon by Thomas Tobbo Eyoum.

Thomas Tobbo Eyoum and the battle for the political control of the city of Douala

2008-08-01T03:27:00.000-07:00

Thomas Tobbo Eyoum had read the history of late MKO Abiola of Nigeria and knew that, the late Muslim Yoruba Business Mongol, did launch his political ambitions, not by being a successful businessman, but as an excellent supporter and promoter of sports, and in chief, football. Thomas Tobbo Eyoum was the one who was first suspicious with the takeover of Leopard Football Club of Deido, Douala by John Epee Mandengue and he chimed the alarm bell. But the Royal Highness of Deido, Chief Gustave Essaka Ekwalla, who was enthralled by John Epee Mandengue, came to the rescue of his protégé. He convinced other elites of the city, who were members of the ruling party to support Mandengue and ignore the alarm raised by Mr Eyoum. Although Mr Eyoum became suspicious and jealous of Mr Mandengue’s political, social and business successes, they both had similar traits as already mentioned. What did Thomas Tobbo Eyoum have in common with John Epee Mandengue? Like John Epee Mandengue, Thomas Tobbo Eyoum was also in the insurance business and owned an insurance company called Province Reunie. But the difference that existed between Thomas and John was in the running or management of their respective companies: Province Reunie and Broking Services International.

Thomas Tobbo Eyoum wanted or made it a point of duty that, all holders of management positions within his company, must be card holding members of the ruling CPDM party, whereas the John Epee Mandengue, never cared whether those holding management positions in his company (Broking Services International) belonged either to the ruling party or the opposition, especially the SDF. The only condition needed to hold management position at Broking Services International was to be English-speaking and preferably, a native of Anglophone Cameroon proper, or any other English-speaking country in the world. I must repeat and insist that, John Epee Mandengue’s directors were not only from the Anglophone region of Cameroon, there were also nationals from other English-speaking African countries. For John Epee Mandengue had the firm conviction, it was that, only people from the English-speaking world were competent in management positions, within his company or elsewhere. The success of Leopard Football Club of Douala, made the smouldering conflict that was brewing between John Epee Mandengue and Thomas Tobbo Eyoum to breakout into a full blown conflict. Their conflict was synonymous in every inch to that of the biblical Soul and David clash. Why did the rivalry of John and Thomas take an unimaginable dimension? The reason is not difficult to fathom.

Thomas Tobbo Eyoum was the interlocutor of the central government in Douala and he feared that, the growing popularity of John Epee Mandengue after the success of Leopard Football Club and his cousin Peter Mafany Musonge as prime minister, might force the central government in Yaoundé, to start using John Epee Mandengue as a substitute interlocutor. Hence Thomas decided to kill John politically, before what he feared becomes a reality. But he had to carryout his political war against John with utmost care, for his cousin Peter Mafany Musonge was still prime minister. His Royal Highest Chief Gustave Essaka Ekwalla sensing that, two prestigious natives of his chiefdom were squaring for a battle that, they will end up mutually killing each other, politically, economically and even physically, decided to intervene. He invited Thomas and John to his palace for mediation, they came but his mediation produced no effect. For the battle line was drawn and swords were out in full bloom. John had two victories his business was succeeding and his football was also successful and he could also count on his cousin Peter Mafany Musonge who was still prime minister. But Thomas had an advantage over John. He had connections within the ruling that John’s cousin who was prime minister did not have because; he was not real CPDM militant.

Start of the political and economic fall of John Epee Mandengue , Cameroon's ephemeral Abrahamovitch

2008-07-29T05:38:00.000-07:00

Others were: Hafia FC, Conakry of Guinea, Ashanti Kumasi FC of Kumasi, Ghana, Royal Armed Forces FC of Rabat, Morocco, Al Ahly Sporting FC of Cairo Egypt, Al Hilal FC of Khartoum, Sudan, the Dragons FC of Congo and Tout Puissance Mazambe of Lubumbashi, Democratic Republic of the Congo. The 60s, 70s and 80, were the glorious periods of Cameroonian club football and also that of Union of Douala FC. I have met John Epee Mandengue a couple of times and in one of our meetings, I interviewed him. That interview was done with Enow Chris Oben. Mr Enow Chris Oben was a senior journalist and former head of the provincial service of the Cameroon Radio and Television Corporation (CRTV) located in the town of Buea. Buea is the provincial capital of the coastal Anglophone region of Cameroon otherwise known as the South west province. The said interview was meant to be used on my Saturday morning current affair programme that was broadcast on CRTV Douala. The name of the programme as already mentioned was: Issues of Our Times. The same interview was also meant to be broadcast on a Sunday morning network political programme called: Cameroon Calling (CC). Cameroon Calling, is the flagship Anglophone political programme on Radio Cameroon and it is broadcast every Sunday morning from headquarters of the broadcasting House in Yaoundé. After our hour long interview with Mr Mandengue, we had a lengthy conversation. I understood and concluded that day that, he was ultra ambitious. He was interested in everything. From his covetous eyes, and the way he spoke with us, which was full of confidence with a fine lining of arrogance, I sensed that, he was secretly laying claim or planning to get the post of president of the republic.

His other humble desires were to head Cameroon Airlines, become the lord mayor or Government Delegate of the Greater Douala city council and also Prime minister. I knew that, his political ambitions will collide with those of his friends, who were supporting him in his xenophobic press business and also economically. I also knew that, he did not know Cameroon so well, especially the French-speaking Cameroonians that he was despising. Notwithstanding the low esteem that John Epee Mandengue had toward French-speaking Cameroonians, they were still his circumstantial friends, at least in politics and also in business. In 1996, John Epee Mandengue became by some miracle, the Chairman of the Deido based Foot Ball Club, Leopard FC. This club was formerly run by Thomas Tobbo Eyoum MP, a businessman who was the owner of an Insurance company called Province Reunie. Thomas Tobbo Eyoum MP was a politician, carrying the membership card of the ruling CPDM party. He was also a conditional friend of John Epee Mandengue. But when Thomas was the chair of Leopard Football Club of Deido, Leopard FC was a club that was perennially languishing at the bottom of the Cameroonian division one or premier league. Leopard FC‘s performances were so dreadfully poor that, she even had to drop into the soccer purgatory of division two of the Cameroonian football league. However any football team that has a chair with deep pockets as that of John Epee Mandengue and who was also a good manager, the positive transformational power of such a club is immediate. And it was the case with Leopard Football Club under the management of John Epee Mandengue. Leopard FC of Deido, Douala suddenly rose from her division two provincial league of the Littoral province to National Division one and even lifted the Cup of Cameroon. And the feat of John Epee Mandengue ignited not only admirers but critics and rivalries within ruling party members from Douala. Thomas and John were friends and both had many things in common, amongst which were their business and political brilliance. Both also had attitudes that were on the periphery of roguishness.

Historic football clubs of the city of Douala, Cameroon

2008-07-26T06:12:00.000-07:00

It is rumoured that, the Bassas ran away not because of the military superiority of the Doualas, but more because the latter, were dirty and accompanying them were many Europeans. Late El Hadj Amadou Ahidjo and his party, Cameroon Union (UC), which later became known as Cameroon National Union (CNU) was given political power in French-speaking Cameroon in 1958 by the French. And coming back to football clubs, in short, Dynamos FC of Douala is a club for the Bassas and in the past, amongst the conditions needed in order to be accepted to play for the club, it was mandatory for the aspiring player to be an ethnic Bassa. There was a second hidden condition needed to play for Dynamos of Douala. Parents of aspiring players must have been members of the UPC party. Her year of glory was in 1979 when she won the Cup of Cameroon against the favourite and highly fancied Public Works Department (PWD) of Bamenda. Public Works Department (PWD) of Bamenda social club, was a club from Anglophone Cameroon, which was also the embryonic national football team of British Southern Cameroon’s, if they were, granted full-fledged independence by the British and not the funny brand of independence via unification that they were accorded in 1961. And finally, the fourth football team of the city of Douala is Union Football Club of Douala aka Nassara sportive.

Whatever Nassara stands for or mean, I don’t know. Only founders and supporters of the club can explain. But one thing is certain, Union Football Club of Douala, is a club promoted by none natives and in chief, ethnic Bamilekes from the West province. Her base is also the New-Bell neighbourhood, which is a neighbourhood that has a mosaic of natives and none natives: Bassas, Nigerians (Igbos, Yorubas and Nigerian Efiks), Malians, Mauritanians, Senegalese , people from the Greater northern province of Cameroon, who are generally referred to in Cameroon as Hausa and of course many Bamilekes live in New Bell. Union Douala was one of the top Cameroonian clubs. Their only rivals were Canon Sportive Football Club aka Kapkom of the Nkolondongo neighbourhood in Yaoundé and Tonnerre Kalara Football Club of the Mvog-Ada neighbourhood of Yaoundé. At Continental level, Union Douala was also one of greatest African Football clubs. She competed with prestigious African football clubs such as Bendal Insurance and Enugu Rangers, respectively from the cities of Benin and Enugu in Nigeria. Others were: Hafia FC, Conakry of Guinea, Ashanti Kumasi FC of Kumasi, Ghana, Royal Armed Forces FC of Rabat, Morocco, Al Ahly Sporting FC of Cairo Egypt, Al Hilal FC of Khartoum, Sudan, the Dragons FC of Congo and Tout Puissance Mazambe of Lubumbashi, Democratic Republic of the Congo. The 60s, 70s and 80, were the glorious periods of Cameroonian club football and also that of Union of Douala.

Football clubs of Douala and the triple hats of John Epee Mandengue

2008-07-24T13:42:00.001-07:00

John Epee Mandengue had three hats. He was in the insurance business, then he became a newspaper proprietor (Elimbi newspaper) and finally, he became the philanthropic boss of a tribal based football club called Leopard Football Club of Douala. Leopard Football Club of Douala was not the only tribal oriented club in the city. Within the city of Douala, there are four football teams, built along national or tribal lines. There are: Oryx Football Club, based in Bonaberi, which was at the pinnacle of Cameroonian and African club football in the 60s and even won the first continental club trophy in 1968. Oryx Football Club of Bonaberi was created by and for natives of Bonaberi neighbourhood. Bonaberi neighbourhood, is connected to Douala proper by a bridge called the Wouri Bridge, but some it the Bonaberi Bridge. The second most popular tribal club in the city is that created by the people or natives of the Akwa neighbourhood. The Akwa based club is called Caiman Football Club aka caiman a six heure. She is now playing in division two and occasionally comes to division one, or MTN Elite 1, which is the equivalent of the English premier league. But Caiman Football Club has lost her gusto of the 50’s, 60s and early 70s. The third club of the city is Dynamo Football Club of Douala aka Botafogo.

She is based in a neighbourhood called Nkongmondo or New rail in English. Nkongmondo is a slum caught between the posh neighbourhood of Bonapriso and the seedy neighbourhood of New-bell. She is inhabited by ethnic Bassas, who are presently considered as none natives, because they are either from the Sanaga Maritime, Nkam and Nyong and Nkelle divisions. Most came there some 1 hundred years ago as labourers, brought by the Germans to construct the railroads of East Cameroon, while the most recent group came in the 40s, 50s ,60s and 70s. They were resettled there by the French colonial government and also by the Ahidjo government, especially, during the war of independence in French-speaking Cameroon, which was led by the Union of the Population of Cameroon (UPC) against the French and also against the regime of late El Hadj Amadou Ahidjo. Mr Ahidjo was the first president of French-speaking Republic of Cameroon and also the first president of unified English and French Cameroons. One other thing with the Bassas is that, although some of them are now living on the fringes of the city of Douala, they were the original inhabitants of the city. But they fled the coast and went into the forest, when the Doualas came from the Congo after the implosion of the Congo Empire. The Doualas, who now claims to be the aboriginals of the economic capital of Cameroon, did first settle on along the banks of the River Wouri, before spreading to other pasts of the coast of both English and French Cameroons.

Names of those in the unholy alliance to promote tribal xenophobia and the propagations of falsehoods in Cameroons

2008-07-22T04:31:00.000-07:00

One such frightful things or information that Elimbi newspaper fed coastal people with was that, Bamilekes or people from the grasslands of Cameroons, procreated faster than pigs. And Elimbi newspaper also added that, the procreation of the people from the grasslands regions of Cameroons was politically motivated. According to the scandal sheet, grass field people procreated with the simple strategy to occupy and control the lands of natives or nationals of the coastal regions and in particular the city of Douala. Such nauseating message had a formidable negative impact on the psyche of natives of the coastal regions, who were not only poor in comparison to their compatriots from the grass field, they also seem to have discovered courtesy Elimbi newspaper, that, they were out numbered in their own regions by Bamilekes or people from the grass field regions of both Cameroons. John Epee Mandengue was not alone in propagating the ethno-regionalist xenophobia of the ruling CPDM party. He was supported in his dirty campaign to promote tribal xenophobia and the propagations of falsehoods or false claims by some top flight natives or nationals of the city of Douala, namely: Honourable Thomas Tobbo Eyoum MP, former Lord Mayor of the Greater Douala city council, Mrs Armand Din Bell MP and head of the women’s wing of the Wouri section of the ruling CPDM party and Mr Laurent Esso, former minister of foreign affairs.

Besides claiming that, Bamilekes or people of the grass field regions of Cameroons procreated like pigs, Elimbi newspaper also sprouted from their brains, that was fertile with hate and conspiracy theories, the idea that, that the hardworking Bamilekes and other ethnic groups belonging to the grass field regions of Cameroon, were planning to extend their economic hegemony into the political field. Hence, they encouraged coastal people of both Anglophone and Francophone Cameroons, not to support the SDF. According to the hate ideologues and genocide mongers, the SDF was in reality, a cover of an imaginary Anglo-Bamileke plot to rule Cameroons economically and politically. The supports that, John Epee Mandengue had from government ministers who were natives of the coastal regions of Cameroons and beyond, and also the supports that he received from members of the ruling Cameroon’s People Democratic Movement (CPDM), was and is still an evidence that, Paul Biya supported the tribal xenophobic movements’ en vogue in the mid 1990s in Cameroon and still going. Paul Biya’s actions are also another testimony that, he was also planning Rwandan style genocide in Cameroon, if the victory of John Fru Ndi, the opposition leader in the 1992 elections was confirmed.

Elimbi newspaper, Cameroon's first openly ethno-regionalist supremacist newspaper

2008-07-21T06:11:00.000-07:00

The mid 90s was the period, when the Cameroon government was not hiding her admiration for the genocidal regime in Rwanda and at the same time, similar tribal militia groups were germinating in Cameroon. Esingan was one of such diabolic hate groups. Esingan was a pro-government tribal militia group, headed by Professor Joseph Owona. She was created and sponsored by the regime and its sponsors and ideologues did not hide the fact that, they had order containers full with machetes for their militia, in preparation of the final day, when they will decide to exterminate the Anglo-Bamileke axis in Cameroon. Even though John Epee Mandengue was aware of the macabre preparation of the ruling party that he was member, and also that, if the genocidal plans of his friends started, he won’t be spared, he decided nonetheless to jump into the fray of hate mongers with the zeal of a new convert. John Epee Mandengue in a bid to show that he was neck deep in support of Paul Biya, started via his newspaper to express the xenophobic tribal views of the regime to a point that, it is claimed that, he even once bragged that, within his news paper, a non ethnic SAWA won’t have a place. The SAWAS are the name of natives or nationals of the coastal regions of both Anglophone and Francophone Cameroons. But it is in fact, a generic name that is full of confusion. At one point it was considered or marketed by the government as an engine or sense of belongingness of coastal people.

But on other the other hand, the Sawa movement was a vector of divisions hatched out by the ethno-regionalists and supremacists elements within the government of Paul Biya. Ironically, the editor of the English version of Elimbi newspaper was not an ethnic SAWA. He was called Hilary Kebila Fokum, an English-speaking Cameroonian from the north of Anglophone Cameroon otherwise known as the North West province. Why did John Epee Mandengue handover the post of editor of his Newspaper to Mr Fokum? Perhaps he over looked the national or tribal belonging of Mr Fokum, because he was an Anglophone and it is well known in Cameroon that, Anglophones seem to be less incline to tribal subjectivity as Francophones are. It might also be that, because, he (Fokum) even though, he was an Anglophone from the North West province, he was nonetheless, a native of Bali and Balis, are known to have an ancestral condescension for ethnic Mettas. For the Balis do consider the Mettas as their slaves and since the opposition was led by an ethnic Metta, it was best to bring at the helm of an ethno-regionalist supremacist newspaper, a man with supercilious views toward other nationals or tribes of the country. The aim of such a strategy was to destroy and also defame the opposition and its leader, John Fru Ndi. I also think that, John Epee Mandengue did not even think of both details latter mentioned. What was what was important to John Epee Mandengue was that, his editor was Anglophone.

As for the French version, if he had on hand, an Anglophone who was bilingual and who also accepted to handle the post of editor of French version, he would have preferred an Anglophone. But above else, what motivated John Mandengue was his desire to make monies in Cameroon. Hence he was zealous and in his zeal, he felt, he was shielded from suspicions or he won’t generate any apprehensions amongst the ideologues of the Biya regime who were mostly ethnic Betis from the South province. The post of editor of the French version of Elimbi newspaper was the only managerial post in John Epee Mandengue’s business empire that was handled by a French-speaking Cameroonian. And to measure the mixture of condescension and cynicism that he harboured, he usually said: he gave the post of editor of the French version of his paper to a French-speaking Cameroonian because they a stupid fight dogs with no clear loyalty but are loyal to money and desire to keep their power and privileges. However, I can’t help repeating hereon that, Elimbi newspaper which means Drum in English was a paper that propagated national or tribal hatred. It propagated all sorts of prejudice and falsehood against the Bamilekes.

Paul Biya and his admiration of the former genocidal regime in Rwanda

2008-07-18T06:56:00.000-07:00

The numbers or population of none natives has never been a problem in the coastal parts of Anglophone Cameroon and even in Francophone Cameroon. But there have always been some inherent conflicts. And the cause has almost always been a mixture of envy and jealousy. The envy and jealousy were/are sparked because of the economic superiority of natives of the grass lands of both English and French Cameroons, who are considered as none natives in coastal regions of both Anglophone and Francophone Cameroons. But the Biya government, in a bid to preserve its political power, decided in the mid 1990s, to use the simmering conflicts in coastal regions of Cameroon, which pitted natives against none natives, as his weapon of massive division. He encouraged natives through rogue politicians and subservient traditional chiefs to attack and expel none natives from their lands and homes, because, none natives, especially those from the grass field regions were not supporting his rule. One of the infamous Anglophone native of the South province, who supported openly the ethno-regionalist xenophobia of the Biya regime, was Peter Oben Ashu, the former Governor of the South West province.

It was at the height of state sponsored ethno-regional xenophobia, whose ideologues were elites of the former Hutu regime of late General Hybiarimana, who had fled Rwanda, when the Rwandan Patriotic Front(RPF) of Paul Kagame, took power, that John Epee Mandengue, choose to launch his incandesce newspaper, called Elimbi . As for Paul Biya and some ideologues of his regime, such as Martin Belinga Eboutou and Professor Joseph Owona, they had an open admiration for the regime of late General Juvenile Hybiarimana, in spite the atrocities they had caused, in particular by sponsoring and fuelling the Rwandan genocide. It is the love and respect that Paul Biya and his regime had for what late General Hybiarimana did, that encouraged them to give refugee to all architects of the 1994 genocide in Rwanda. Paul Biya also acted the way he did or is still doing, under the treacherous claims that, the Hutu regime in Rwanda were Bantus and French-speakers who were victims of the machinations of ethnic Neolithic Tutsis, who were worst, English-speakers. Paul Biya’s act to host with impunity architects of the 1994 horror of Rwanda was a characteristic Bantu solidarity, which other ethnic Bantu leaders in the sub region also shamefully demonstrated. One of the big name of the Hutu Power or the ideological think tank of the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, who found refugee in Cameroon, was Colonel Theoneste Bagosora.

Paul Biya, great sponsor of Ethno-regional xenophobia in Cameroon

2008-07-17T07:29:00.000-07:00

The targets were the Anglophone/Bamileke axis. John Epee Mandengue saw the rot of the system and wanted to exploit it to his advantage, hence he launched his tabloid called Elimbi. And Elimbi newspaper was the first openly hate propagating instrument, treacherously presented as a newspaper. It was built along the moulds of the outrageous Radio des Mille Collin of Rwanda. Radio des mille Collin, was the Radio station that encouraged the massacres of Tutsis and moderate Hutus in 1994. I have met John Epee Mandengue a number of times and I can write here on that, he never shared the views that his paper circulated. But he was a cynical opportunist, who will not hesitate to kill even his own mother in a bid to obtain what he wanted. In Cameroon, he was very convinced that, since the Biya government was ready to massacre ethnic Bamilekes and also Anglophones, in order to preserve his political power, he wanted to use the opportunity to reach his own political goal.

His paper called Elimbi, had the best paid journalists in the very difficult financial situation of the independent private Press in Cameroon. In the beginning, Elimbi was only a monolingual (French) newspaper. But since the xenophobic views of the government was also appealing to some pro-government elites of the coastal parts of Anglophone Cameroon, known as the South west province, Elimbi newspaper went bilingual (English and French). The mid 90s was a period when, the government tried to revive the ancestral links of the linguistic and culturally divided people of the coastal regions of the French and English-speaking regions of Cameroon. This cynical stratagem was not meant forge national unity. It was meant to elevate a defensive barrier that will protect the regime in both regions. For in both regions, the regime of Paul Biya was vulnerable to the popularity of the opposition, in particular the popularity of the Social Democratic Front (SDF) led by John Fru Ndi. The government succeeded in the French-speaking coastal region and beyond to create and revive ancestral hatred. But in Anglophone Cameroon, the government succeeded to sow the seeds of discords, but with some difficulties. The example of the glaring success of the diabolic scheme of the regime in the English-speaking region was that, for the first time, and that was in the 90s, conflicts between natives and none natives became rampant. And focus of attack were people from both English and French-speaking grass-field regions of Cameroons.

His Royal Highness Chief Gustave Essaka Ekwalla and John Epee Mandengue

2008-07-16T06:22:00.000-07:00

Some have claimed that, it was the paramount chief of Deido who persuaded John Epee Mandengue to establish himself within his chiefdom. But it appears as though John Epee Mandengue did not choose to construct a house within the Deido neighbourhood because of the persuasions of His Royal Highness Chief Gustave Essaka Ekwalla, the traditional leader of Deido natives and Deido neighbourhood. Why would chief Ekwalla have persuaded John Epee Mandengue to come and stay in Deido? It was because of three things, that is, if he ever did: the first reason could have been that, there is an ancestral links that bounds the Mungo people of Anglophone Cameroon and those of Bonaberi and Deido and second, there is also an ancestral love and admiration of native of Douala, for anything English or English-speaking. The anglophile nature of Douala people might have been sparked by the fact that, it was the English who first sign a treaty with Douala chiefs, before the Germans overtook them and Alfred Saker, the English Protestant evangeliser, was the one who brought the Christian Protestant faith in Cameroon. Alfred Saker was also the one who translated the bible from English to Pidgin English and then into the Douala language. And finally, what might have also made Chief Gustave to persuade John to settle in his chiefdom was his wealth. For John Epee Mandengue’s presence, at least demonstrated that, he (chief Ekwalla) a promoter of tribal xenophobia and supporter of the ruling CPDM party, had a native who was rich.

Chief Gustave Essaka Ekwalla could now challenge none natives wealthy business men and women within his chiefdom, who were almost always from the French or English-speaking grass field regions of Cameroon and whose loyalty to the ruling party was not assured. As John Epee Mandengue settled in Douala at the Deido neighbourhood, he started attending meetings of the natives of Douala, who were in support of the ruling party and the head of state Paul Biya. It was also at a time when the opposition Social Democratic Front (SDF), dominated by English-speaking Cameroonians, had strong support and sympathies from natives of the French-speaking grass field region of West province, other wise referred to ethnically as Bamilekes. The Littoral province in general and Douala in particular was largely in support of the opposition. This was not because of the sympathies and ties that exist between the Anglophones, who were and are still the arch rivals of the regime and natives of the West province, who are French-speaking and who also control the economy of the country and are the dominant ethnic group in Douala, but more because, Biya’s rule has ruined the country. Fearing to loose power, Paul Biya hatched out a tribalo-regionalist policy that sparked tribal and ethno-regional xenophobia.

Niat Njifenji Marcel and shrewd John Epee Mandengue

2008-07-14T08:38:00.000-07:00

Mr Niat Njifenji Marcel was a native of the French-speaking Cameroonian grass field region of the West province. He was even accused by the regime of Paul Biya in 1984, to have supported a failed coup attempt, led in majority by members of the Cameroonians Armed Forces who were from the majority Muslim Greater North province. How he absolved himself from such accusation, while a majority of suspects, numbering about 4 thousand men, women and their children were slaughtered by the Biya regime, has remain a mystery. Another surprise remains that, in spited that Mr Niat Njifenji Marcel was suspected by the Biya regime of having sided with coup plotters, he was given the headship of the utility SONEL, a strategic government company. Back to John Epee Mandengue, with all the lucrative contracts that he secured with two important companies of Cameroon, courtesy strategies or connections already mentioned, he became rich and he also developed the appetite for politics that he had in Nigeria but was barred by his wife. But before anything, it must be noted and pointed out that, John Epee Mandengue was a brilliant manager.

Another thing worth pointing out is that, all his directors were Anglophone Cameroonians or were from Anglophone African countries. The head of the Broking Services International agency of the city of Douala was a Ghanaian. The practice by which successful English-speaking Cameroonians, in business or in politics, only trusted people who were from English-speaking Cameroon and the English-speaking world to handle their strategic operations, was another proof that, Cameroon’s song linguistic unity was a farce. Both Cameroonian linguistic communities did not only mistrust or suspected each other; they also mutually despised each other. And John was not different from most English-speaking Cameroonian. He never trusted any French-speaking Cameroonians and he also thought that, English-speaking Cameroonians were more intelligent than French-speaking Cameroonians. Concerning John’s new love, which was politics, he showed once again that, he was shrewd. Instead of building a house in his native Mongo village, located in the Tiko sub division of the South west province, he decided to erect a mansion in the heart of the Deido neighbourhood in Douala.

Home coming of John Epee Mandengue and how he won contracts for Broking Services International

2008-07-13T10:12:00.000-07:00

Mandengue’s return to Cameroon was done with a lot of precautions, for like any other English-speaking Cameroonian, who had left the unified Cameroons for reasons earlier explained; he had strong mistrust for anything French-speaking. He opened his Broking Service subsidiary in Cameroon, but decided to locate the headquarters of Cameroonian business in Victoria (Limbe) and his core business remained in Lagos, Nigeria. The first and legal wife of John Epee Mandengue refused to follow him, when he decided to relocate to Cameroon. But while in Cameroon, Mandengue forgot to heed to the warning of his wife, who had forewarned him to steer clear from Cameroonian or Nigerian politics. While she never wanted to travel to Cameroon with her husband, she had nonetheless informed him that, he was in Cameroon only for business and not for politics.

But John Epee Mandengue ignored the warnings of his wife and above all, forgot that in the Yoruba tradition, where in women wield a lot of power, their premonitions are always very good and also important to respect their advice and words of caution. For whenever venture a woman cast her doubts on, in most cases, it is almost always certain that, it will fail. Women seem to have been gifted by God with a unique quality of clairvoyance. For example, it is claimed that, late Abiola’s wife, late Kudirate, had discouraged her husband from taking part into politics. And it was Abiola’s involvement into politics the primary cause of his premature death and sadly, also that of his wife. While John Epee Mandengue was in Cameroon, he never obeyed the warnings of his wife, he jump straight into politics. He opened as already mentioned a subsidiary of Broking Services International in Cameroon but was headquartered in Victoria and had an agency in Douala, the commercial capital of Cameroon. With the aid of his cousin Peter Mafany Musonge, who was the former Managing Director of Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC) and also former Prime minister, Broking Services International won contracts to insure staff of (CDC), the second employer in Cameroon after the state. CDC employs at least 13 thousand workers. And still with the influence of Peter Mafany Musonge, Broking Services International won contracts to insure a section of staff and materials of the National Electricity Corporation, known in its French acronym as SONEL . At that time, the Managing Director of the state own utility was late Niat Njifenji Marcel.

The secret pact between Aurelian William Eteki Mboumoua and John Epee Mandengue

2008-07-12T00:06:00.000-07:00

Why did some Nigerian politicians, especially those from the north in 1983, decided to trust Mandengue than their fellow Keith and kin, such as the Ibos or the Yorubas? It is claimed that, both Nigerian nationals /tribes are too untrustworthy or are considered by northern Nigerians to be untrustworthy. Hence, there was no way fleeing northern Nigerian politicians could have handed to Ibo or Yoruba businessmen, the colossal sums that they gave to John Epee Mandengue to keep, for it would have been synonymous to giving meat to dogs to keep. As late Nded’a Kombe Francis told me, when the storm ended or to be precise, when the military regime of General Buhari was overthrown and replaced by the corruption-friendly regime of General Badamassi Babaginda, those politicians and businessmen, predominantly of northern Nigerian extraction, who escaped in 1983 because of the ferocious fight against corruption launched by General Buhari, started trickling back home to Nigeria and they rewarded John Mandengue Epee handsomely. It was from the reward that John Epee Mandengue received from Nigerian politicians for laundering their money, which made his insignificant broking company to become Broking Services International. It expanded out Nigeria and had offices in Nigeria and a branch in Ghana. As John Epee Mandengue became rich and prominent, he began making friends with other African politicians and diplomats. One of his most prominent black West Africa friends was Mr Aurelian William Eteki Mboumoua, who was Cameroon’s flamboyant minister of foreign affairs.

Who brought them into contact? I can’t recall late Nded’a Kombe Francis ever telling me the name of the one who broker their friendship. But both men became too close to a point that, John used to pay the rents of Cameroonians missions in Lagos and Calabar and also paid the staff that ran both diplomatic missions. John Epee Mandengue’s services rendered to the state of Cameroon were not for philanthropic or patriotic purposes. Even though John made advance payment for the rents of Cameroon’s diplomatic missions in Lagos and Calabar and also paid staff working in both missions, but via Mr Aurelian William Eteki Mboumoua, minister of foreign affairs, the government of Cameroon paid him back, twice the official amounts he (John) had spent and the excess payments, which was disbursed by the state of Cameroon, was shared between him (John) and Mr Eteki Mboumoua. I suspect, it was the capacity of Cameroon’s former foreign minister to run huge sum of monies and apparently gave no account to the government of Cameroon, which excited John Mandengue’s desire to come and invest in a country that he was despising and never considered actually as his. But when that idea came into his mind, he told his wife and his daughter, who is studying in the US, who was once Miss Black America, they discouraged him, especially when, he floated the idea that, when he goes back to Cameroon, he will get into politics, in order to make quick and big monies.

How John Epee Mandengue made fortune in Nigeria

2008-07-10T07:59:00.000-07:00

But he (Mandengue) preferred to entertain personal and business relationships with Muslim politicians and Army Generals from Northern Nigeria. This alone shows how intelligent and forthright Mandengue was and in 1983, when the democratically elected government of Mr Shagari was overthrown by General Mohamadou Buhari, he was compensated by some Northern politicians and dignitaries. How, it was simply because, it was through Mr John Epee Mandengue’s broking firm called Broking Service International that embezzled funds was expatriated out of the country .However, some corrupt Nigerian politician kept their lots at home in Nigeria by using John Mandengue as cover, especially at the height of the fight against corruption and the war against indiscipline, launched by the head of the junta commandeered by Generals Mohamadou and late Tunde. These two Nigerian military leaders, besides late General Rahamat Muritala Mohammed, are touted as the best leaders Nigeria has ever had, since her independence form the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland in 1960. Why? It is alleged that, they were honest and thus fought against corruption, indiscipline and all sort dishonesty without discrimination. It might explain why, they were overthrown in 1985, by the corrupt duo of Generals Badamassi Babaginda and late Sani Abacha. And when the transition government set by Babaginda failed, late General Abacha overthrew Chief Ernest Shonekon, head of interim government of to become president.

Corruption was rift under the civilian regime of Shehu Othman Shagari, his finance minister Omarou Dicko, is even claimed to have declared that, Nigeria had no problem of money but her only problem was how to use her huge cash. It was therefore because of the flagrant mismanaged in Nigeria at that time, which forced the military to intervene in order to redress the abominable injustices that corruption creates. Most Nigerian politicians escaped to the United Kingdom and other Western countries when General Buhari came to power in 1983. Those who could not escape before the dragnet of the fight against corrupt was cast, were arrested in Lagos and in other major Nigerian cities and regions. The only way those suspected of being member of the strong and close knitted corrupt syndicate of Nigerian politicians and businessmen and women could escape arrest was to justify their source or sources of wealth. Since most could not, they found themselves in jail and even late Abiola had problems with the Nigerian military junta led by General Mohamadou Buhari. Some northern Nigerian businessmen and politicians fearing arrest had only one entity to direct their ill gotten wealth to safety. The safety was John Mandengue Epee, for he was a sure alternative to evade arrest, especially that, he was honest, hard working and above all, had a finance company that dissimulate ill got funds with ease.

History has vindicated those who were against unification

2008-07-07T05:54:00.000-07:00

Perhaps some Southern Cameroonian politicians, especially those in support of unification were afraid that, if the information that, Southern Cameroonians had the possibility to swap nationality was made known, there would have been a massive depopulation of Southern Cameroon’s, hence they decided to hide or keep the information. Some Southern Cameroonian politicians did use the same tactics of being economical with information, when they were negotiating unification terms with French-speaking Cameroonian leaders. And such selfish attitude is one of the reasons why Anglophones are suffering in the union today. It is clear that most Southern Cameroonians would have opted either for Nigerian or British nationalities had they known such option existed. The reason why most Southern Cameroonians would have opted either for Nigerian or British nationalities was because, they knew that, even though French and English-speaking Cameroonians were ethnically closer, they were nevertheless, fundamentally different.

And as such, unification between former British and former French administered Cameroons could not work. History has vindicated those who were against unification. When Mandengue left his native Southern Cameroon’s, he settled in Lagos, Nigeria, where he got married to his first wife, who was a native of Lagos and belonging to one of the noble families of the commercial nerve centre of Nigeria. In Nigeria, Mandengue was at home and began several business ventures and with the assistant of his wife, whose family was well connected to the political and top military class and through those connections, he succeeded to create several friendships with the rich and powerful of Nigeria. One of the best friends of John Epee Mandengue was Mr Omarou Dicko, a northern Hausa/Fuluni politician, who became Minister of Finance under the government of President Shehu Othman Shagari. Mandengue had the chance to grow or develop a strong relationship with the late Nigerian business Mongol turn politician Moshood Kashimawa Olawolle Abiola, generally referred to as MKO, who was a native of Abeokuta and above all a Yoruba, even though a Muslim.

Southern Cameroonians had the possiblity to swap nationality

2008-07-06T10:56:00.000-07:00

Nded’a Kombe Francis made the declarations because, he knew John Epee Mandengue very well. And he also confirmed claims made by John Epee Mandengue that, he had some blood links or parentage with the natives of Deido, a neighbourhood in Douala. Nded’a Kombe Francis also confirmed that, John Epee Mandengue was the cousin of the former Prime minister of Cameroon Mr Peter Mafany Musonge. How? Even though the people of Mungo, Mesellele, Mondoni and Tiko were Anglophones, they shared the same culture and at times spoke the same language albeit with some variations with people of French-speaking Cameroonian of some regions of the Littoral province. Hence there was an early and easy mixture of natives of Tiko sub division in Anglophone South west province and those of Dibombari and Bonaberi sub divisions and beyond in the French-speaking Littoral province. While Dibombari and Bonaberi sub divisions were located in the Littoral province, the first was administratively in the Mungo division, while the second was administratively attached to the Wouri division. This so because, Cameroon’s regional administration is made thus: sub district, district, sub division, division and crowning all is the province. And Cameroon is divided into 10 provinces that have at its head, a governor. Governors are appointed by the head of state and they have under their authority: sub district, district, and sub divisional and divisional officers. John Epee Mandengue, like most English-speaking Cameroonian nationalists, left British administered Southern Cameroon’s after the February 11th 1961 plebiscite.

For the February 11th 1961 plebiscite paved the way for Northern British Cameroon’s integration with Northern Nigeria in October 1st 1961, while British Southern Cameroon’s opted for unification with the independent French-speaking Republic of Cameroon and it gave naissance to the Federal Republic of Cameroon on the 1st of October 1961. English-speaking Cameroonians had before mid night October 1st 1961 had the possibility to opt either for Nigerian nationality or British or become de facto Cameroonians, after October 1st 1961 that is, if there were on the territory or were abroad. Like Mandengue, there are many English-speaking Cameroonians on the territory who opted for the Nigerian nationality, while some who were studying abroad especially in the UK also did the same or opted for British nationality. While these options existed for the people of both North and Southern British administered Cameroon’s, only those who were educated and had or were aware such information used it. The information that Southern Cameroonians could swap nationality was not made public, for if were, a greater number of Northern and in particular Southern Cameroonians, would have opted either for Nigerian or British nationalities. Perhaps the British and some English-speaking Cameroonian politicians, who were in support of unification with French-speaking Cameroon, knew about the options to swap nationalities put on the table for the former subjects of the British crown, but pro-unification politicians decided to hide the information.

John Epee Mandengue

2008-07-05T02:40:00.000-07:00

My journalistic period in Cameroon permitted me to know many people, especially politicians and businessmen. But two colourful personalities struck me and they have hunted my consciousness. They were: Dr Moise Albert Njambe, with whom I developed acquaintance and I later on, became the pioneer head of Communications of his NGO called SOS Dialogue, while the second was Mr John Epee Mandengue, an English-speaking Cameroonian businessman and controversial ruling party politicians. As I left CRTV Douala and went home, some two months later, I began working with a Tabloid called Elimbi or Drum, in English. I was serving as the head of the English desk. But by the time I came to handle the English desk, Elimbi had lost her zest. Elimbi was, I must confess, perhaps the most amazing tissue that specialised in propagating tribal hatred and prejudice in Cameroon that was presented to the public as a newspaper. It proprietor was John Epee Mandengue, who had left the country and went back to Nigeria by the time I came to head the English desk. Mr Mandengue was a businessman and an opportunist. He came to Cameroon at period when the tribal-government of Paul Biya, feared that, they might lose political power, decided stimulate regional and tribal rivalries. That was in the early 90s and a period when the opposition was strong and united and spearheaded by the SDF and backed by a majority of Cameroonians especially those from the West province and the two English-speaking provinces.

And Mr Mandengue who is an English-speaking Cameroonian from the coastal part of Anglophone Cameroon otherwise known as South west province, a seasoned opportunists, jumped into fray with the zeal of a newcomer. He created the Elimbi newspaper whose objective was to promote ethnic xenophobia and his target were French-speaking Cameroonians from the grass field region of the West province, otherwise known as the Bamilekes. While Mandengue’s obsessions via his newspaper were the Bamilekes, the government and the ruling party that, he became a circumstantial member and zealous supporters, did not make such distinctions. They (government) had their own home-grown axis of evil; it was the Anglo-Bami axis. For the tribal government of Cameroon led by Paul Biya felt that, those who posed real threats to his desire for everlasting ruler-ship were English-speaking Cameroonians and their allies from the West province. The government was glad to have Elimbi, as a newspaper, that was the voice of devilish secret plans of a system, which was bracing to ethnically cleanse a section of its citizens.

Who was John Epee Mandengue? John Epee Mandengue is the first son in a family of eight children and he was also the most successful. He was around his late 40s. He is the cousin of the former Prime minister of Cameroon, Peter Mafany Musonge, who is a native of Buea, the provincial capital of the South west province and also former capital of German administered Cameroon and former capital of British administered Southern Cameroon’s. Mr Mandengue also claims to be a native of Deido, a neighbourhood of Douala. John, like his biblical namesake, is fanatical, in all what he does and he is also very ambitious. However, John Epee Mandengue is also very numinous and wavy concerning is exact origin. He spoke three languages fluently: Douala, English and Yoruba. According to late Nded’a Kombe Francis, an Anglophone from Tiko sub division and a native of the village of Mungo, John Epee Mandengue is bona fide native of English-speaking Cameroon. Mungo village is the last village on the coastal part of Anglophone Cameroon’s coastal province of the South west that, is divided from the coastal province of French-speaking Cameroon known as the Littoral by a river called river Mungo