elie-smithsstory

Jean Pierre Effouba Onana

2008-05-28T13:22:00.000-07:00

And as it is almost always the case, with military juntas, the second in command is always the most zealous, or should I say a zealot. That was how Nyoh Moses operated. Nyoh might have acted professionally in an enthusiastic manner, he was nevertheless well behaved. But his boss, Jean Pierre Effouba Onana, was a burly and bully. He was always ready to fight and walking about like a wild bull in search for an object to gore. Whenever Effouba Onana spoke or was in conversation, it was as though he was quarrelling. One could not tell whether he wanted to fight or was looking for a fight to fight. He was violent and exuded violence. He believed only in the use of brutal force and never seems to like negotiations. One wonders whether he was really a graduate of the Advance School of Mass Communications or a graduate of the Yaoundé War College (EMIA). He spoke to his staff with an arrogance only compared to that of Napoleon Bonaparte. In short, he was every inch, the caricature of what a French man should be: arrogant and rude. His only difference with a French man was that; he was a black French-speaking Cameroonian. He was the kind of person who made English-speaking Cameroonians fear French-speaking Cameroonians and to consider them as mere cheats, rude, potential despots and brutes. Concerning the English desk, Nyoh asked or rather single hand, hatch out a new programme schedule and allocated slots to staff of the desk.

He allocated to himself the responsibility to produce and present an environmental programme, while his boss Jean Pierre Effouba Onana decided to present an international Press review. In fact, the new management of CRTV Littoral just as the former team was not exactly a trio. They were a quad. In the former team, there was a fourth personality. He was Joseph Clement Ogba. He was a kind of deputy editor, but in charge of reportage, while in the new team the fourth individual was a certain Sylvain Papule Mbiama. I have decided to call the new management team a junta because, they acted like military juntas and not like journalists and managers, who seeks dialogue first, before using reprimands. The third personality in the new management was Talla Modest Todem. He was a French-speaking Cameroonian journalist from the West province, generally referred to in Cameroon as Bamilekes. The act in Cameroon to first identify people via their ethnic groups and regions, before any other considerations, was the seal demonstrating that, regional and tribal identifications, attachments and loyalty was stronger than loyalty to the country. It was an indelible sign that, the much hyped national unity was a bogus catchphrase. As earlier mentioned, there is always a figure in a group who is difficult to classify.

At CRTV Douala, Effouba, the big boss exuded the posture of a heartless brut, who might have been in reality a nice man. But I never got an opportunity to see or discover the other aspects of his persona, other than what I have written. While Nyoh was the fanatic of the team, but easy-going and also their conciliatory face, Talla Modest Todem was simply a kind and professionally out going journalist. But like Nyoh Moses, they both were extraordinary womanisers, but they were not alcoholics. This made them not to fit well into the hallmarks of an average Cameroonian journalist. For they had not completed the cycle that wanted that, a Cameroonian journalist must be a womaniser and a drunkard. But most often, it was difficult to find a Cameroonian journalist who was not both a womaniser and a drunkard. There was another crop of Cameroonian journalist developing. These ones were conservatives and mostly of Evangelical Christian leaning. Talla Todem decided to change the format of the Saturday morning current affairs programme of the French desk that was called “7 jour”. It became a subsidiary source of his income.

How Thomas Tobbo Eyoum plotted the fall of John Epee Mandengue

2009-10-19T16:44:00.000-07:00

Thomas Tobbo Eyoum MP, was the friend of Mr Quang. He knew that, Mr Quang had the support of His Royal Highness Chief William Manga Mbile Ferguson, the traditional head of Victoria(Limbe) and the Bakweri ethnic group of the city. This support was important because, even though the government is in agreement or is in contact in all parts of Cameroon with traditional leaders/rulers, in Anglophone Cameroon, traditional leaders/ruler have much more influence. Hence, the majority French-speaking government in Yaoundé did make sure to have them as allies and not adversaries. Mindful of all the elements that played in favour of Henry Njalla Quang, who was by this time, the new Managing Director of Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC), Mr. Thomas decided to contact Mr Quang in order to complain about John Epee Mandengue. Thomas Tobbo Eyoum presented his case against Mr Mandengue to Henry Njalla Quang in an astute manner.

He presented his case against Mr Mandengue as a political threat not to him (Thomas) but more to Henry Njalla Quang. Thomas Tobbo Eyoum knew that, his friend (Henry) also desired the post of Prime minister, which was occupied then by Peter Mafany Musonge. But Henry never knew what to do or how to counter the speculative political threats allegedly posed to his ambitions by John Epee Mandengue, especially that, he was not based in the South west province. But Thomas nonetheless convinced him to suspend all insurance contracts that, John’s company Broking Services International had with CDC. When the news of the breach of contract linking CDC to Broking Service International reached John Epee Mandengue, he (John) immediately rang his cousin who was Prime minister. But he was soon discovering to his chagrin that, his cousin although a Prime minister, could not do anything to help him. Why? For Henry Njalla Quang, even though welding no political power, he was nevertheless appointed by the President of the Republic and a Prime minister had little or no influence on him or any other person directly appointed by the President of the Republic.

In Cameroon, all strategic companies such as the CDC have at their heads only managers who are appointed personally by the head of state and answerable to him directly. The lost of the contract that Broking Services International had with CDC was also the beginning of the end of John Epee Mandengue’s experimental return to Cameroon. John Epee Mandengue decided to go back to his native Nigeria after it became evident to him that, the centre could no longer hold because things had fallen apart, but he never wanted to go without fighting. He decided to file a court case against CDC for breach of contract, but it was a loosing battle, for Njalla Quang, fearing repercussion of what he has done and the eventual reaction of the Prime minister Peter Mafany Musonge, he (Quang) decided to send a distress call to his political ally Chief Inoni Ephraim, who was at the time deputy secretary General at the presidency of the Republic. Mr Ephraim assured his friend (Quang) of his support.

Allies of Henry Njalla Quang

2009-01-18T20:38:00.000-08:00

The ruling party and government officials began assessing how useful he (Henry Njalla Quang) could be. Some within the government even wanted him to be appointed Prime minister. While Mr Quang had a lot of potentials, some government elites nonetheless resolved to propose for the post of prime minister, the name Peter Mafany Musonge. And in 1996, Mr Musonge, General Manager of Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC) was appointed Prime minister. It was a political battle fought between the Bakweris of Victoria-Limbe against those of Buea. The latter won because of reasons I had already mentioned and also because, even though Mr Quang is a native of Victoria-Limbe, his ancestry on his paternal side posed a problem to a government that, had earlier ignited the flame of tribal and ethnic xenophobia, in a bid to win and secure power in Cameroon in general and Anglophone Cameroon in particular. Even though Henry Njalla Quang had lost out to Musonge, he was later on appointed General Manager of CDC. Mr Quang also had his political allies within the ruling party in Anglophone Cameroon and also in Francophone Cameroon, but they weren’t as strong as those of Mr Musonge. Top amongst them were Chief Inoni Ephraim, who had respectively held the post of Secretary General at the ministry of Finance and the first deputy Secretary General at the Presidency of the Republic and is currently Prime minister.

His other allies were: late Moussa Tchouta Mbatam, former ruling party MP of the Nde division in the West province and former Director General of the National Ports Authority of Cameroon, with headquarters in Douala and Thomas Tobbo Eyoum MP who was the former lord mayor of the Greater Douala city council. Henry Njalla Quang who became the darling of the ruling party, the presidency of the Republic and members of government seemed to have achieved a lot , but his promotions and potentials was notwithstanding short or not enough to meet or fulfil his aspirations for the post of Prime minister. He may have thought that, his activism in sports and also the fact that, he resisted the onslaughts of Mrs Victoria Tomedi Ndando MP and John Ebai Tang MP, who were both hyperactive members of the opposition Social Democratic Front (SDF) and the second doubling as mayor of Victoria-Limbe, made him a suitable candidate for the post of prime minister . But as already mentioned, he lost and perhaps he will be appointed Prime minister during the next appointment in 2011. While Mr Quang was struggling to be appointed prime minister, his friend (Thomas) was squaring off with another political animal called John Epee Mandengue. In that battle, blood was bound to flow, for Thomas Tobbo Eyoum knew that, if he doesn’t destroy John Epee Mandengue, he (Thomas) will be the one to be destroyed politically.

Brief Bio of Cameroon's Prime minister: Chief Inoni Ephraim

2008-08-24T08:25:00.000-07:00

Mr Inoni Ephraim was appointed to the honorary, but nonetheless, prestigious post of Prime minister, on the 4th of December 2004. The post of Prime minister, is one those flashy posts of responsibility, that in Cameroon, the majority French-speaking government in Yaoundé, earmarks for Anglophone Cameroonians, who it must be stressed, can never be nominated to head any strategic posts in the country. Some strategic posts of responsibilities barred to Anglophone Cameroonians, are: Defence, Finance and Territorial administration (Home affairs) ministries. Before his appointment in 2004, it was rumoured in 1996 that, he was slated to replace Prime Minister Simon Achidi Achu MP, another Anglophone, who was from the North West province and who to forego his post, because of reasons earlier mentioned. Mr Inoni also doubles as the traditional head of the village of Idenao, located in West coast. West coast is a region and also an electoral constituency, that is not far from the post city of Victoria. Chief Inoni Ephraim was born on the 16th of August 1947 in Victoria, South west province. He is a graduate of Saint Paul College, Bonjongo, Buea and Regina Pacis College of Mutengene. Both secondary schools are located in the South West province. After his secondary education, he furthered his studies at the Ecole Nationale d’administration et de la Magistrature (ENAM) in Yaoundé and graduated in 1977.

He has held several top responsibilities within the civil service of his country. He has worked as Chief Accountant at the provincial Treasury in Bamenda, provincial capital of the North West province (1979-81). From Bamenda, he was appointed as the deputy Inspector general of Treasury of the Littoral province, with headquarters in Douala, the provincial capital. In Douala, he became the municipal Treasurer, a post he held from 1981-82. From Douala, he was appointed Treasurer of the Cameroons Embassy in Washington DC (1982-84). In the United States, he registered for a Masters Degree course at the Southern Eastern University, where he graduated with an MBA in Public Administration. Until his appointment as Prime minister in 2004, he held the posts of first deputy secretary general at the Presidency of the Republic1994-97. Prior to working at the presidency, he was, Director of sales at the ministry of Finance in 1984-88. He is also member of the Board of Directors of the formerly state owned utility: SONEL now called AESSONEL, since it was privatised. He was also member of the board of directors of the now liquidated Cameroon Bank. He is currently the chair of the Board of Directors of Standard Chartered Bank, Cameroon. Prime Minister Inoni Ephraim is a practising Christian and precisely member of the Cameroon Anglican Church. He attends service every Sunday. He is married and father of four Children. His wife’s name is Lydia Nalova Litumbe. She holds a Bachelors of Science[1].

[1] Pages B-107 , Cameroun- les Hommes de pouvoir, Indigo publications, Paris, France, June 2001.

Battle for the Post of Prime minister amongst Anglophone Cameroonians

2008-08-23T02:56:00.000-07:00

Elites of the South West province, who were showing extravagant interest in the battle that, the ruling majority French-speaking government in Yaoundé, was carrying out against the North West province or its elites; were: Professor Peter Agbor Tabi, former minister Higher Education and currently Pro-Chancellor of the University of Buea. Mr Tabi is a native of Mamfe, headquarters of Manyu division. The others were: Namata Ewanga Ebenezer MP from Kumba West electoral constituency, Henry Njalla Quang, Director General of CDC, who was/is from Victoria and Dr Mrs Dorothy Nujeuma, who was the former Vice Chancellor of the University of Buea. It must be recalled that, The University of Buea, is the only full-fledged state owned Anglophone University in Cameroon. Dr Mrs Dorothy Nujeuma is a native of Buea. There was also from Mamfe, another expectant figure, who was waiting to feast on the spoil of the battle, pitting the Francophone ruling elites in Yaoundé against a section of elites from the North West province. The expectant figure was Peter Oben Ashu, the controversial and astonishingly ethno-xenophobic, former governor of the South West province. Why did the majority French-speaking ruling elites in Yaoundé, fall out with their Anglophone pals from the North West province?

It was simply because; the latter were now leading the opposition, to the designs of the seemingly eternal rule of Paul Biya’s regime and also carrying out a thinly veiled battle against the perpetual political hegemony of French-speaking Cameroonians. However, out of all those South west elites latter mentioned who were and are still members of the ruling CPDM party, only three singled themselves out and thus were serious pretenders to any prestigious posts in Cameroon that were reserved to Anglophones. Top amongst them was the extraordinary, Henry Njalla Quang. Why? It was simply because; he was the chair of local football club called Electricity Sport Football Club or Elect Sports FC of Victoria (Limbe). This club was formerly chaired by lawyer Innocent Bonnu. The city of Victoria, where is located the lone oil refinery of Cameroon, is one of the two coastal towns of Anglophone Cameroon with seaports and whose development was abandoned by the majority French-speaking government in Yaoundé, immediately after unification. Besides Elect Sports Football Club, Victoria or Limbe, has another Football Club, perhaps much more popular than the former. She is called Victoria United aka one people one power (opopo).

Both football clubs reflect the political divide and acrimony that the unification of Anglophone Cameroon with French-speaking Republic of Cameroon has caused and left on minds and amongst Anglophone Cameroonians from the former British protectorate of Southern Cameroon’s within the city of Victoria. It is rumoured that, while Victoria United FC was created by those who wanted the independence of former British administered Southern Cameroon’s, but some of whom, were also for integration with Nigeria, the founders of Elect Sports Football Club seem to be people who supported unification. Those details mentioned, it is important to recall that, it was Mr Quang’s activism, especially in sport, when he succeeded to take over the chairmanship of Elect Sports Football Club of Victoria (Limbe) from Mr Innocent Bonnu, a rich and popular lawyer, but who was suspected to be a supporter of the opposition SDF, that he (Quang), became visible on the radar of the government and ruling party stalwarts in Yaoundé. Before then, he was one of the many local champions in the South West province, in search for national recognition.

Anglophone Cameroon's unity façade

2008-08-19T01:09:00.000-07:00

In a simplistic manner, it is often claim that, the people of the north of Anglophone Cameroon, otherwise known as the North West province, have enjoyed a special love and preferential affair with the majority and governing French-speaking government in Yaoundé. But in reality, those who benefited from the erstwhile or the claimed special rapport that existed between elites of the North West province and elites of the governing majority French-speaking Cameroonians in Yaoundé, were principally North West elites, who originated from the same region and towns within Mezam division and from Bamenda city in particular. The others, who benefited from the erstwhile treaty, that linked the majority French-speaking central government in Yaoundé with Anglophone elites of the nationality or region earlier mentioned, were a special highly enterprising nation/tribe of the North West province called the Mettas. The Mettas succeeding in being part of the decried latter mentioned syndicate, courtesy their formidable greater Widikum mafia, which has given birth to sub mafia clans such as the Batibo & Bafochu Mafias. Anglophone Cameroon has a unity façade, which is the envy of French-speaking Cameroonians.
But under that feel-good and united-we-stand, propaganda, that some Anglophone nationalists like to extol, there is a visceral dichotomy, pitting Anglophones elites from the North or North West province, against Anglophones from the south, known today as the South west province.

But beyond those dichotomies, whose roots are old and has which been exacerbated by the outcome of the 1961 unification treaty, there is an intra North West dichotomy and also an intra South west dichotomy. The latter has been superficially treated above, but the former’s own cause and problems it has orchestrated, has not been treated or mentioned in detail hereon. It is therefore necessary to mention hereon that, the North West province, have it own set of dichotomies. It is crystallised by the conflicts that pit elites from a part of the North West province known as far North West, against those of Momo and Mezam divisions, who seem to have benefited overwhelmingly, from political appointments, since 1961. But as the rapport between elites of the North west province and elites of the governing majority French-speakers in Yaoundé was deteriorating, because the former became the leaders of pro-democracy movements and political parties in the county, elites of the South of Anglophone Cameroon, otherwise known as the South West province stood ready on the sidelines to benefit from the spoil of war of the former friends.

Is Biya's rule a continuation of that late Ahmadou Ahidjo

2008-08-16T06:21:00.000-07:00

It is often claim that, Biya’s rule is the continuation of that of his predecessor, late Ahmadou Ahidjo. While it is not entirely wrong, I am nevertheless of the opinion that, the 90s were the years, when Paul Biya, took a distant from his predecessor and began stamping his own rule or ideology in Cameroon. Hence, by nominating Peter Mafany Musonge as Prime minister in 1996, and this, to replace Mr Simon Achidi Achu MP, who was holding the post since April 1992, and who was/is a native of the north of Anglophone Cameroon, otherwise known as North west province, Paul Biya did not only put an end to his predecessor’s Anglophone Cameroon politics, he also heralded the genesis of his as own independent political policies, which as already mentioned, started in the 90s. Therefore, in my humble opinion, it was only after Paul Biya survived the social and political upheavals of the 90s, which rocked the foundation of the country, that, he began to lay the ground works of his political policies, which was to be fundamentally different from those of his predecessor. Paul Biya’s change of policy, especially in the way the governing majority French-speaking Cameroonians, dealt with Anglophone Cameroonians, was appreciated in the south or coastal region of Anglophone Cameroon, otherwise known as the South west province and this by some of her elites.

Ironically, the change or cosmetic change of Anglophone policy, which was in reality design to divide the unity of Anglophone Cameroonians, did not change the frustration and mistrust that, Anglophones from the South west province, the same as their kith and kin from the north or North West province, harboured or still harbours toward the central government in Yaoundé, which is predominantly French-speaking. The appointment of Mr Musonge as Prime minister as already started was pleasant to some elites of the South west province, but it also sparked a simmering intra coastal Anglophone or South West provincial rivalries. For some elites from power broking centres of the South west province, such as Mamfe, Victoria, Kumba, Mundemba and Mienji, frowned at the fact that, whenever there was any prestigious post earmarked to elites from their region or province, the chosen persons are/were almost always from Buea. The disappointment with the appointment of Peter Mafany Musonge as prime minister, from a section of the elites of the South west province, stems from the fact that, prior to Musonge’s nomination, there were already two elites of the South west province, who were warming up on sidelines, waiting to exploit the spoils of the announced end of the love rapport, that bounded the French-speaking dominated central government in Yaoundé with elites of the North West province.

Unwritten laws and rules of Cameroon and Brief bio of Peter Mafany Musonge

2008-08-15T02:31:00.000-07:00

Unwritten laws and rules of Cameroon

The last unwritten law or rule in Cameroon, and which has since been broken, is that which states that, English-speaking Cameroonians from the south or coastal part of the Anglophone region, which is currently known as the South west province, are/ were barred since the unification of October 1st 1961, to head prestigious posts, designated to English-speaking Cameroonians. Those roles or posts left to English-speaking Cameroonians, which are largely ceremonial, were almost always given to English-speaking Cameroonians from the north of the Anglophone region, otherwise known as the North West province. It may explain why, since the unification, the ceremonial positions of vice president, speakers of parliament and prime ministers, when they are English-speaking Cameroonians, were all natives/nationals from the north of the Anglophone region of Cameroon, otherwise known as North West province. Why were North westerners given preferential treatment by the governing Francophone central government in Yaoundé? It is rumoured that, late El Hadj Amadou Ahidjo, the first president of independent French-speaking Republic of Cameroon and first president of the unified Federal Republic of Cameroon, wanted to punish the people of the south or coastal region of Anglophone Cameroon, known today as the South West. Why? Simply because, the late right honourable EML Endeley MP, former prime minister of British administered Southern Cameroon’s campaigned vigorously against unification with French-speaking Cameroon in the plebiscite of February 1961. The final out come of the 1961 plebiscite set the platform for the October 1961 unification. What is not known is how late Ahidjo would have reacted if as it turnout in the 90s, the Anglophone region of the North West that he preferred became lighting-rod of all those opposed to his regime and the present configuration of the country.

Peter Mafany Musonge

But Paul Biya, the predecessor of late Ahidjo decided in 1996 to stop the appointment of elites of the North of Anglophone Cameroon otherwise known as the North West province to honorary but all the same prestigious position of Prime minister in Cameroon. Hence, he appointed Peter Mafany Musonge as Prime minister. Who is Peter Mafany Musonge? He was born on the 3rd of December 1942 in Buea. Before his appointment as Prime Minister in September 1996, he had held the following post of responsibilities: from 1973-76 he was deputy director at the Ministry of Housing and Public Works, from 1980-84, he was Director General of Laboratoire national de genie civil (Labogenie), from 1984-87, he was Director General of the Parc National du Materiel de genie Civil (Matgenie) and from 1988-96, he was Director General of Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC). He became a card holding member of the ruling Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM) in September 1996 and member of the central committee (decision making body) of the same party in October 1996. Mr Musonge attended his primary and secondary education in Buea and furthered his schooling in the United States. In the United Sates he attended Drexel Institute of Technology in Philadelphia and Stanford University in California. From both institutions, he graduated respectively with a Bachelor of Science degree in civil Engineering and a Masters of Science degree in structural Engineering .

Brief Biography of Henry Njalla Quang

2008-08-11T02:38:00.000-07:00

Mr Henry Njalla Quang was appointed to the post of Managing Director of the Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC) in 1998. CDC is the largest agro-industrial establishment in West Africa and second employer in Cameroon after the government. Mr Henry Njalla Quang was born in 1949 in the village of Wovia. Wovia is a village located on the outskirts of the city of Victoria (Limbe). Although a native of the fishermen and farmers village called Wovia, via his maternal ancestry, Mr Quang is one of the many offspring of the many black Africans whose ancestry can be traced to Liberia, Sierra Leone, Fernando Po, currently known as Equatorial Guinea and the Caribbean. Whether he is of Sierra Leonean or Liberian ancestry, as generally claimed, it is not known. But one thing is certain, he like many others, who now claim to be natives of Victoria, the reality are in fact that, they are either progenies of freed slaves from Britain and the Americas, who settled in the afore mentioned countries or are progenies of the many other black Africans, caught on slave ships by the British navy patrolling the Gulf of Guinea. Another singularity with the city of Victoria and its surrounding coastal villages is that, most of those who claim today to be aboriginals are not. The only people who can pretend to be bona fide aboriginals are those from the hinterland villagers surrounding Victoria. In other words in Victoria proper the preponderant majority of those pretending to be natives are. And this destroys the ethno-regionalist xenophobia policies of the government floated in the 90s. And concerning Blacks who were caught on slave ships, they were freed by the British and then settled along the coast of Southern Cameroon’s and on the coast and on islands of eastern Nigeria and the Nigerian Niger Delta regions in particular.

Political activists and an opportunist

Mr Henry Njalla Quang studied in his native region and furthered his education in Nigeria and also in Sierra Leone, precisely at the prestigious Forahbay University College of Freetown, where he graduated with a Masters degree in Industrial and Mechanical Engineering. He came back to Cameroon in 1975 and was employed at the National Ports Authority of Cameroon, with headquarters in Douala. There, he held a senior management position until he was appointed General Manager of CDC in 1998. His appointment came just two years after his predecessor and political rival, Peter Mafany Musonge was appointed Prime minister. Mr Quang is a political activists and an opportunist. He first attracted the attention of the officials of the ruling CPDM party, in 1990. At that time, the Francophone ruling elites were looking for a possible replacement of former Prime Minister Sardou Hayatou. But the idea was dropped because, even though he was/is English-speaking Cameroonian, he was nonetheless from the south of Anglophone Cameroon, otherwise known as the South west province. For in Cameroon, there are several unwritten laws and rules. One has it that, even though Cameroon is officially a bilingual English and French-speaking Cameroon, French remains the official language. The second also has it that, nationals from both regions are equal and could assume any function in the country. But in reality, English-speaking Cameroonians are barred from strategic posts of responsibilities in Cameroon such as ministry of Finance, Defence and Territorial Administration (Interior).

Rivalry between Henry Njalla Quang and Peter Mafany Musonge

2008-08-10T04:03:00.000-07:00

Henry Njalla Quang is an Anglophone from the coastal region of Anglophone Cameroon known as the South West province. He is an ethnic Bakweri, precisely from the town of Victoria (Limbe), whereas the former Prime Minister, Peter Mafany Musonge was/is a native of Buea, former capital of British Southern Cameroon’s and currently, provincial capital of the South West. Another twist is that, there is an internecine rivalry between elites of the South west province. But there is also another more intriguing one. It is that which teams up elites from other parts of the South west province against elites, who are natives of the town of Buea. Once again, it is important to point out that, Buea is the provincial capital of the South west and it is therefore weird to discover that, elites from the same province will be scheming against those from Buea. But for every positive or negative reaction, there must be an action that has sparked the positive or negative reaction. The reason why, elites from the entire South west province are ganging up against those from Buea is not difficult to fathom. For it seem as though, elites from Buea have always enjoyed privileges in political appointments in Cameroon, since the unification of 1961. And the feeling that elites from Buea have been given preferential treatment by the Francophone ruling elites in Yaoundé has created jealousy amongst elites from other regions within the South West province.

This intra south west rivalry could be considered as a vertical one. For there is another form of rivalry within elites of Anglophone Cameroon in general and this one could be classified as horizontal. This horizontal rivalry, pits elites of the coastal part of Anglophone Cameroon known as the South west against elites of the north of Anglophone Cameroon, otherwise known as the North West province. And the root cause of the rivalry is the same as those pitting the entire south west province against elites from the provincial capital, Buea. The intra south western elites’ rivalry may explain why Mr Henry Njalla Quang, who was/is a native of Victoria, and also the new person in charge of CDC, did not want in anyway, to have any kind of sympathies or allegiance toward his predecessor, who was at the time Prime minister. Hence, Thomas Tobbo Eyoum, who was at war with John Epee Mandengue and even though the former was not English-speaking and also not a native of the South west province, was aware of the rivalry between Henry Njalla Quang and Peter Mafany Musonge, hence he ( Thomas) dashed into the rivalry and exploited it to his advantage. He (Thomas) was equally aware that, the appointment of Njalla Quang as new manager of CDC was not achieved through pressure; lobbying or recommendation of Peter Mafany Musonge, but through the discretions of the head of state, Paul Biya and Mr Biya enjoys creating rivalries between elites of the same region.

Manoka Island

2008-08-07T08:41:00.000-07:00

Thomas certainly had stronger connections within the ruling CPDM party than John and Thomas could also have destroyed John, politically and economically, faster than expected, if it were not for the timely intervention of the traditional head of Deido. But in early 1997, Thomas felt that, it was time to finish with John Epee Mandengue: economically and politically. Why? Simply because, in spite the mediation of the traditional head of Deido, during the constitution of the party list for the primaries within the ruling CPDM party, John Epee Mandengue, Armand Din Bell and Laurent Esso, who was Minister of Justice at that time, constituted the same list or were in the same camp. John Epee Mandengue’s list was constituted prior to the legislative elections of 1997. Thomas therefore discovered that, he had several other potential and much more powerful political enemies than John Epee Mandengue, who was his obsession. It must be recalled that, John became the political enemy and rival of Thomas since the former took over the moribund Leopard Football Club of Deido and transformed it into one of the three prestigious football clubs of the country. But while Thomas was battling on several fronts, he nevertheless succeeded to win the primaries organised within the ruling CPDM party and went on to be elected MP.

Thomas Tobbo Eyoum was elected MP for the Douala sixth parliamentary constituency, based in the Island of Manoka. The Douala sixth constituency is made up of the Islands of Swelaba, Cape Cameroon and Manoka. Manoka Island is the largest of the three islands. She is located some 30 km away from mainland Douala and it is inhabited in majority by Nigerians, Beninese, Liberians and Ghanaian fishermen & women. Manoka is 20km in length and 17km in width and has little or no infrastructure. It has a prison constructed by the Germans and used by the French and the regime of late Amadou Ahidjo to jail rebel or nationalists of the UPC and also those who were opposed to his rule. It used to have a large sawmill, railways and a jetty meant to export timber exploited on Manoka Island and adjoining ones. But all those infrastructure left by the Germans and sustained by a Timber exploitation company for while, has been left to ruin after exploitable timber was exhausted. Manoka island and the other Islands belonging administratively to the Wouri division of the Littoral province are surviving economically because of Nigerian fishermen and Nigerian businessmen and women, without them, it would have become desolate uninhabited islands. After the victory of Thomas, he registered another victory. Peter Mafany Musonge, the cousin of John Epee Mandengue was still Prime minister but he was no longer the Director General of CDC. The new Director General of CDC was Henry Njalla Quang.

Niat Njifenji Marcel

2008-08-03T03:54:00.000-07:00

Nevertheless, Thomas had an advantage over John. He had well established connections within the ruling CPDM party that even John’s cousin who was prime minister, did not have. Why? Because Peter Mafany Musonge was not a real CPDM militant, he was not even a politician, for he did not have any elective post, his political career was achieve via the chaperoning of Paul Biya. It is the connections that Thomas Tobbo Eyoum had within the ruling party, which he employed, like a steamroller against John Epee Mandengue. In the beginning, John resisted like a rock, because Thomas had problems with Laurent Esso, who was at a point, a partner in the nefarious fabulous four (John, Thomas, Laurent and Armand), who were the ideologues of the tribal and supremacist group, that was viscerally against the Bamilekes in Douala and in the Littoral province in general. However John had another pressing problem, which made him vulnerable. This time around, it was the contract with the Song-lulu section of the National Electricity Corporation (SONEL), which his company Broking Services International had and was thus, insuring the staff and equipments. The said contract was on the line or facing termination. For the managing director of the state utility, late Niat Njifenji Marcel, who was a member of the central committee of the ruling party as Thomas Tobbo Eyoum MP was, and he was considering revoking the contract.

Why? It is/was the friendship that Thomas had with Marcel, who was an ethnic Bamileke, and whose tribe or nationality were the staple and target of hate from Elimbi newspaper, owned by John Epee Mandengue, that made Thomas Tobbo Eyoum to have a decisive lead in his battle against John Epee Mandengue. How? At the heat of their battle, Thomas took a copy of Elimbi newspaper to Yaoundé. It was during a meeting of the Central committee of the ruling CPDM party and gave it to Niat Njifenji Marcel. Immediately, Niat read the paper, as an ethnic Bamileke, he came back to Douala annoyed and rang John. He told him that, he was suspending the insurance contract linking Broking Services International with SONEL. All attempts at explanations from John Epee Mandengue did not change things. The lost of the insuring contract with the Song-lulu division of the National Electricity Corporation of Cameroon (SONEL) meant that, John had to curtail his expenditure and also his political ambitions. He no longer had the same financial withal to continue his political battle with Thomas Tobbo Eyoum. But he could console himself that he still had an important contract with CDC. The mediation of the traditional chief of Deido, His Royal Highness Gustave Essaka Ekwalla, may not have averted the showdown between two of his illustrious subjects, but it certainly delayed the political and economic demolition of John Epee Mandengue, embarked upon by Thomas Tobbo Eyoum.

Thomas Tobbo Eyoum and the battle for the political control of the city of Douala

2008-08-01T03:27:00.000-07:00

Thomas Tobbo Eyoum had read the history of late MKO Abiola of Nigeria and knew that, the late Muslim Yoruba Business Mongol, did launch his political ambitions, not by being a successful businessman, but as an excellent supporter and promoter of sports, and in chief, football. Thomas Tobbo Eyoum was the one who was first suspicious with the takeover of Leopard Football Club of Deido, Douala by John Epee Mandengue and he chimed the alarm bell. But the Royal Highness of Deido, Chief Gustave Essaka Ekwalla, who was enthralled by John Epee Mandengue, came to the rescue of his protégé. He convinced other elites of the city, who were members of the ruling party to support Mandengue and ignore the alarm raised by Mr Eyoum. Although Mr Eyoum became suspicious and jealous of Mr Mandengue’s political, social and business successes, they both had similar traits as already mentioned. What did Thomas Tobbo Eyoum have in common with John Epee Mandengue? Like John Epee Mandengue, Thomas Tobbo Eyoum was also in the insurance business and owned an insurance company called Province Reunie. But the difference that existed between Thomas and John was in the running or management of their respective companies: Province Reunie and Broking Services International.

Thomas Tobbo Eyoum wanted or made it a point of duty that, all holders of management positions within his company, must be card holding members of the ruling CPDM party, whereas the John Epee Mandengue, never cared whether those holding management positions in his company (Broking Services International) belonged either to the ruling party or the opposition, especially the SDF. The only condition needed to hold management position at Broking Services International was to be English-speaking and preferably, a native of Anglophone Cameroon proper, or any other English-speaking country in the world. I must repeat and insist that, John Epee Mandengue’s directors were not only from the Anglophone region of Cameroon, there were also nationals from other English-speaking African countries. For John Epee Mandengue had the firm conviction, it was that, only people from the English-speaking world were competent in management positions, within his company or elsewhere. The success of Leopard Football Club of Douala, made the smouldering conflict that was brewing between John Epee Mandengue and Thomas Tobbo Eyoum to breakout into a full blown conflict. Their conflict was synonymous in every inch to that of the biblical Soul and David clash. Why did the rivalry of John and Thomas take an unimaginable dimension? The reason is not difficult to fathom.

Thomas Tobbo Eyoum was the interlocutor of the central government in Douala and he feared that, the growing popularity of John Epee Mandengue after the success of Leopard Football Club and his cousin Peter Mafany Musonge as prime minister, might force the central government in Yaoundé, to start using John Epee Mandengue as a substitute interlocutor. Hence Thomas decided to kill John politically, before what he feared becomes a reality. But he had to carryout his political war against John with utmost care, for his cousin Peter Mafany Musonge was still prime minister. His Royal Highest Chief Gustave Essaka Ekwalla sensing that, two prestigious natives of his chiefdom were squaring for a battle that, they will end up mutually killing each other, politically, economically and even physically, decided to intervene. He invited Thomas and John to his palace for mediation, they came but his mediation produced no effect. For the battle line was drawn and swords were out in full bloom. John had two victories his business was succeeding and his football was also successful and he could also count on his cousin Peter Mafany Musonge who was still prime minister. But Thomas had an advantage over John. He had connections within the ruling that John’s cousin who was prime minister did not have because; he was not real CPDM militant.

Start of the political and economic fall of John Epee Mandengue , Cameroon's ephemeral Abrahamovitch

2008-07-29T05:38:00.000-07:00

Others were: Hafia FC, Conakry of Guinea, Ashanti Kumasi FC of Kumasi, Ghana, Royal Armed Forces FC of Rabat, Morocco, Al Ahly Sporting FC of Cairo Egypt, Al Hilal FC of Khartoum, Sudan, the Dragons FC of Congo and Tout Puissance Mazambe of Lubumbashi, Democratic Republic of the Congo. The 60s, 70s and 80, were the glorious periods of Cameroonian club football and also that of Union of Douala FC. I have met John Epee Mandengue a couple of times and in one of our meetings, I interviewed him. That interview was done with Enow Chris Oben. Mr Enow Chris Oben was a senior journalist and former head of the provincial service of the Cameroon Radio and Television Corporation (CRTV) located in the town of Buea. Buea is the provincial capital of the coastal Anglophone region of Cameroon otherwise known as the South west province. The said interview was meant to be used on my Saturday morning current affair programme that was broadcast on CRTV Douala. The name of the programme as already mentioned was: Issues of Our Times. The same interview was also meant to be broadcast on a Sunday morning network political programme called: Cameroon Calling (CC). Cameroon Calling, is the flagship Anglophone political programme on Radio Cameroon and it is broadcast every Sunday morning from headquarters of the broadcasting House in Yaoundé. After our hour long interview with Mr Mandengue, we had a lengthy conversation. I understood and concluded that day that, he was ultra ambitious. He was interested in everything. From his covetous eyes, and the way he spoke with us, which was full of confidence with a fine lining of arrogance, I sensed that, he was secretly laying claim or planning to get the post of president of the republic.

His other humble desires were to head Cameroon Airlines, become the lord mayor or Government Delegate of the Greater Douala city council and also Prime minister. I knew that, his political ambitions will collide with those of his friends, who were supporting him in his xenophobic press business and also economically. I also knew that, he did not know Cameroon so well, especially the French-speaking Cameroonians that he was despising. Notwithstanding the low esteem that John Epee Mandengue had toward French-speaking Cameroonians, they were still his circumstantial friends, at least in politics and also in business. In 1996, John Epee Mandengue became by some miracle, the Chairman of the Deido based Foot Ball Club, Leopard FC. This club was formerly run by Thomas Tobbo Eyoum MP, a businessman who was the owner of an Insurance company called Province Reunie. Thomas Tobbo Eyoum MP was a politician, carrying the membership card of the ruling CPDM party. He was also a conditional friend of John Epee Mandengue. But when Thomas was the chair of Leopard Football Club of Deido, Leopard FC was a club that was perennially languishing at the bottom of the Cameroonian division one or premier league. Leopard FC‘s performances were so dreadfully poor that, she even had to drop into the soccer purgatory of division two of the Cameroonian football league. However any football team that has a chair with deep pockets as that of John Epee Mandengue and who was also a good manager, the positive transformational power of such a club is immediate. And it was the case with Leopard Football Club under the management of John Epee Mandengue. Leopard FC of Deido, Douala suddenly rose from her division two provincial league of the Littoral province to National Division one and even lifted the Cup of Cameroon. And the feat of John Epee Mandengue ignited not only admirers but critics and rivalries within ruling party members from Douala. Thomas and John were friends and both had many things in common, amongst which were their business and political brilliance. Both also had attitudes that were on the periphery of roguishness.

Historic football clubs of the city of Douala, Cameroon

2008-07-26T06:12:00.000-07:00

It is rumoured that, the Bassas ran away not because of the military superiority of the Doualas, but more because the latter, were dirty and accompanying them were many Europeans. Late El Hadj Amadou Ahidjo and his party, Cameroon Union (UC), which later became known as Cameroon National Union (CNU) was given political power in French-speaking Cameroon in 1958 by the French. And coming back to football clubs, in short, Dynamos FC of Douala is a club for the Bassas and in the past, amongst the conditions needed in order to be accepted to play for the club, it was mandatory for the aspiring player to be an ethnic Bassa. There was a second hidden condition needed to play for Dynamos of Douala. Parents of aspiring players must have been members of the UPC party. Her year of glory was in 1979 when she won the Cup of Cameroon against the favourite and highly fancied Public Works Department (PWD) of Bamenda. Public Works Department (PWD) of Bamenda social club, was a club from Anglophone Cameroon, which was also the embryonic national football team of British Southern Cameroon’s, if they were, granted full-fledged independence by the British and not the funny brand of independence via unification that they were accorded in 1961. And finally, the fourth football team of the city of Douala is Union Football Club of Douala aka Nassara sportive.

Whatever Nassara stands for or mean, I don’t know. Only founders and supporters of the club can explain. But one thing is certain, Union Football Club of Douala, is a club promoted by none natives and in chief, ethnic Bamilekes from the West province. Her base is also the New-Bell neighbourhood, which is a neighbourhood that has a mosaic of natives and none natives: Bassas, Nigerians (Igbos, Yorubas and Nigerian Efiks), Malians, Mauritanians, Senegalese , people from the Greater northern province of Cameroon, who are generally referred to in Cameroon as Hausa and of course many Bamilekes live in New Bell. Union Douala was one of the top Cameroonian clubs. Their only rivals were Canon Sportive Football Club aka Kapkom of the Nkolondongo neighbourhood in Yaoundé and Tonnerre Kalara Football Club of the Mvog-Ada neighbourhood of Yaoundé. At Continental level, Union Douala was also one of greatest African Football clubs. She competed with prestigious African football clubs such as Bendal Insurance and Enugu Rangers, respectively from the cities of Benin and Enugu in Nigeria. Others were: Hafia FC, Conakry of Guinea, Ashanti Kumasi FC of Kumasi, Ghana, Royal Armed Forces FC of Rabat, Morocco, Al Ahly Sporting FC of Cairo Egypt, Al Hilal FC of Khartoum, Sudan, the Dragons FC of Congo and Tout Puissance Mazambe of Lubumbashi, Democratic Republic of the Congo. The 60s, 70s and 80, were the glorious periods of Cameroonian club football and also that of Union of Douala.

Football clubs of Douala and the triple hats of John Epee Mandengue

2008-07-24T13:42:00.001-07:00

John Epee Mandengue had three hats. He was in the insurance business, then he became a newspaper proprietor (Elimbi newspaper) and finally, he became the philanthropic boss of a tribal based football club called Leopard Football Club of Douala. Leopard Football Club of Douala was not the only tribal oriented club in the city. Within the city of Douala, there are four football teams, built along national or tribal lines. There are: Oryx Football Club, based in Bonaberi, which was at the pinnacle of Cameroonian and African club football in the 60s and even won the first continental club trophy in 1968. Oryx Football Club of Bonaberi was created by and for natives of Bonaberi neighbourhood. Bonaberi neighbourhood, is connected to Douala proper by a bridge called the Wouri Bridge, but some it the Bonaberi Bridge. The second most popular tribal club in the city is that created by the people or natives of the Akwa neighbourhood. The Akwa based club is called Caiman Football Club aka caiman a six heure. She is now playing in division two and occasionally comes to division one, or MTN Elite 1, which is the equivalent of the English premier league. But Caiman Football Club has lost her gusto of the 50’s, 60s and early 70s. The third club of the city is Dynamo Football Club of Douala aka Botafogo.

She is based in a neighbourhood called Nkongmondo or New rail in English. Nkongmondo is a slum caught between the posh neighbourhood of Bonapriso and the seedy neighbourhood of New-bell. She is inhabited by ethnic Bassas, who are presently considered as none natives, because they are either from the Sanaga Maritime, Nkam and Nyong and Nkelle divisions. Most came there some 1 hundred years ago as labourers, brought by the Germans to construct the railroads of East Cameroon, while the most recent group came in the 40s, 50s ,60s and 70s. They were resettled there by the French colonial government and also by the Ahidjo government, especially, during the war of independence in French-speaking Cameroon, which was led by the Union of the Population of Cameroon (UPC) against the French and also against the regime of late El Hadj Amadou Ahidjo. Mr Ahidjo was the first president of French-speaking Republic of Cameroon and also the first president of unified English and French Cameroons. One other thing with the Bassas is that, although some of them are now living on the fringes of the city of Douala, they were the original inhabitants of the city. But they fled the coast and went into the forest, when the Doualas came from the Congo after the implosion of the Congo Empire. The Doualas, who now claims to be the aboriginals of the economic capital of Cameroon, did first settle on along the banks of the River Wouri, before spreading to other pasts of the coast of both English and French Cameroons.

Names of those in the unholy alliance to promote tribal xenophobia and the propagations of falsehoods in Cameroons

2008-07-22T04:31:00.000-07:00

One such frightful things or information that Elimbi newspaper fed coastal people with was that, Bamilekes or people from the grasslands of Cameroons, procreated faster than pigs. And Elimbi newspaper also added that, the procreation of the people from the grasslands regions of Cameroons was politically motivated. According to the scandal sheet, grass field people procreated with the simple strategy to occupy and control the lands of natives or nationals of the coastal regions and in particular the city of Douala. Such nauseating message had a formidable negative impact on the psyche of natives of the coastal regions, who were not only poor in comparison to their compatriots from the grass field, they also seem to have discovered courtesy Elimbi newspaper, that, they were out numbered in their own regions by Bamilekes or people from the grass field regions of both Cameroons. John Epee Mandengue was not alone in propagating the ethno-regionalist xenophobia of the ruling CPDM party. He was supported in his dirty campaign to promote tribal xenophobia and the propagations of falsehoods or false claims by some top flight natives or nationals of the city of Douala, namely: Honourable Thomas Tobbo Eyoum MP, former Lord Mayor of the Greater Douala city council, Mrs Armand Din Bell MP and head of the women’s wing of the Wouri section of the ruling CPDM party and Mr Laurent Esso, former minister of foreign affairs.

Besides claiming that, Bamilekes or people of the grass field regions of Cameroons procreated like pigs, Elimbi newspaper also sprouted from their brains, that was fertile with hate and conspiracy theories, the idea that, that the hardworking Bamilekes and other ethnic groups belonging to the grass field regions of Cameroon, were planning to extend their economic hegemony into the political field. Hence, they encouraged coastal people of both Anglophone and Francophone Cameroons, not to support the SDF. According to the hate ideologues and genocide mongers, the SDF was in reality, a cover of an imaginary Anglo-Bamileke plot to rule Cameroons economically and politically. The supports that, John Epee Mandengue had from government ministers who were natives of the coastal regions of Cameroons and beyond, and also the supports that he received from members of the ruling Cameroon’s People Democratic Movement (CPDM), was and is still an evidence that, Paul Biya supported the tribal xenophobic movements’ en vogue in the mid 1990s in Cameroon and still going. Paul Biya’s actions are also another testimony that, he was also planning Rwandan style genocide in Cameroon, if the victory of John Fru Ndi, the opposition leader in the 1992 elections was confirmed.

Elimbi newspaper, Cameroon's first openly ethno-regionalist supremacist newspaper

2008-07-21T06:11:00.000-07:00

The mid 90s was the period, when the Cameroon government was not hiding her admiration for the genocidal regime in Rwanda and at the same time, similar tribal militia groups were germinating in Cameroon. Esingan was one of such diabolic hate groups. Esingan was a pro-government tribal militia group, headed by Professor Joseph Owona. She was created and sponsored by the regime and its sponsors and ideologues did not hide the fact that, they had order containers full with machetes for their militia, in preparation of the final day, when they will decide to exterminate the Anglo-Bamileke axis in Cameroon. Even though John Epee Mandengue was aware of the macabre preparation of the ruling party that he was member, and also that, if the genocidal plans of his friends started, he won’t be spared, he decided nonetheless to jump into the fray of hate mongers with the zeal of a new convert. John Epee Mandengue in a bid to show that he was neck deep in support of Paul Biya, started via his newspaper to express the xenophobic tribal views of the regime to a point that, it is claimed that, he even once bragged that, within his news paper, a non ethnic SAWA won’t have a place. The SAWAS are the name of natives or nationals of the coastal regions of both Anglophone and Francophone Cameroons. But it is in fact, a generic name that is full of confusion. At one point it was considered or marketed by the government as an engine or sense of belongingness of coastal people.

But on other the other hand, the Sawa movement was a vector of divisions hatched out by the ethno-regionalists and supremacists elements within the government of Paul Biya. Ironically, the editor of the English version of Elimbi newspaper was not an ethnic SAWA. He was called Hilary Kebila Fokum, an English-speaking Cameroonian from the north of Anglophone Cameroon otherwise known as the North West province. Why did John Epee Mandengue handover the post of editor of his Newspaper to Mr Fokum? Perhaps he over looked the national or tribal belonging of Mr Fokum, because he was an Anglophone and it is well known in Cameroon that, Anglophones seem to be less incline to tribal subjectivity as Francophones are. It might also be that, because, he (Fokum) even though, he was an Anglophone from the North West province, he was nonetheless, a native of Bali and Balis, are known to have an ancestral condescension for ethnic Mettas. For the Balis do consider the Mettas as their slaves and since the opposition was led by an ethnic Metta, it was best to bring at the helm of an ethno-regionalist supremacist newspaper, a man with supercilious views toward other nationals or tribes of the country. The aim of such a strategy was to destroy and also defame the opposition and its leader, John Fru Ndi. I also think that, John Epee Mandengue did not even think of both details latter mentioned. What was what was important to John Epee Mandengue was that, his editor was Anglophone.

As for the French version, if he had on hand, an Anglophone who was bilingual and who also accepted to handle the post of editor of French version, he would have preferred an Anglophone. But above else, what motivated John Mandengue was his desire to make monies in Cameroon. Hence he was zealous and in his zeal, he felt, he was shielded from suspicions or he won’t generate any apprehensions amongst the ideologues of the Biya regime who were mostly ethnic Betis from the South province. The post of editor of the French version of Elimbi newspaper was the only managerial post in John Epee Mandengue’s business empire that was handled by a French-speaking Cameroonian. And to measure the mixture of condescension and cynicism that he harboured, he usually said: he gave the post of editor of the French version of his paper to a French-speaking Cameroonian because they a stupid fight dogs with no clear loyalty but are loyal to money and desire to keep their power and privileges. However, I can’t help repeating hereon that, Elimbi newspaper which means Drum in English was a paper that propagated national or tribal hatred. It propagated all sorts of prejudice and falsehood against the Bamilekes.

Paul Biya and his admiration of the former genocidal regime in Rwanda

2008-07-18T06:56:00.000-07:00

The numbers or population of none natives has never been a problem in the coastal parts of Anglophone Cameroon and even in Francophone Cameroon. But there have always been some inherent conflicts. And the cause has almost always been a mixture of envy and jealousy. The envy and jealousy were/are sparked because of the economic superiority of natives of the grass lands of both English and French Cameroons, who are considered as none natives in coastal regions of both Anglophone and Francophone Cameroons. But the Biya government, in a bid to preserve its political power, decided in the mid 1990s, to use the simmering conflicts in coastal regions of Cameroon, which pitted natives against none natives, as his weapon of massive division. He encouraged natives through rogue politicians and subservient traditional chiefs to attack and expel none natives from their lands and homes, because, none natives, especially those from the grass field regions were not supporting his rule. One of the infamous Anglophone native of the South province, who supported openly the ethno-regionalist xenophobia of the Biya regime, was Peter Oben Ashu, the former Governor of the South West province.

It was at the height of state sponsored ethno-regional xenophobia, whose ideologues were elites of the former Hutu regime of late General Hybiarimana, who had fled Rwanda, when the Rwandan Patriotic Front(RPF) of Paul Kagame, took power, that John Epee Mandengue, choose to launch his incandesce newspaper, called Elimbi . As for Paul Biya and some ideologues of his regime, such as Martin Belinga Eboutou and Professor Joseph Owona, they had an open admiration for the regime of late General Juvenile Hybiarimana, in spite the atrocities they had caused, in particular by sponsoring and fuelling the Rwandan genocide. It is the love and respect that Paul Biya and his regime had for what late General Hybiarimana did, that encouraged them to give refugee to all architects of the 1994 genocide in Rwanda. Paul Biya also acted the way he did or is still doing, under the treacherous claims that, the Hutu regime in Rwanda were Bantus and French-speakers who were victims of the machinations of ethnic Neolithic Tutsis, who were worst, English-speakers. Paul Biya’s act to host with impunity architects of the 1994 horror of Rwanda was a characteristic Bantu solidarity, which other ethnic Bantu leaders in the sub region also shamefully demonstrated. One of the big name of the Hutu Power or the ideological think tank of the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, who found refugee in Cameroon, was Colonel Theoneste Bagosora.

Paul Biya, great sponsor of Ethno-regional xenophobia in Cameroon

2008-07-17T07:29:00.000-07:00

The targets were the Anglophone/Bamileke axis. John Epee Mandengue saw the rot of the system and wanted to exploit it to his advantage, hence he launched his tabloid called Elimbi. And Elimbi newspaper was the first openly hate propagating instrument, treacherously presented as a newspaper. It was built along the moulds of the outrageous Radio des Mille Collin of Rwanda. Radio des mille Collin, was the Radio station that encouraged the massacres of Tutsis and moderate Hutus in 1994. I have met John Epee Mandengue a number of times and I can write here on that, he never shared the views that his paper circulated. But he was a cynical opportunist, who will not hesitate to kill even his own mother in a bid to obtain what he wanted. In Cameroon, he was very convinced that, since the Biya government was ready to massacre ethnic Bamilekes and also Anglophones, in order to preserve his political power, he wanted to use the opportunity to reach his own political goal.

His paper called Elimbi, had the best paid journalists in the very difficult financial situation of the independent private Press in Cameroon. In the beginning, Elimbi was only a monolingual (French) newspaper. But since the xenophobic views of the government was also appealing to some pro-government elites of the coastal parts of Anglophone Cameroon, known as the South west province, Elimbi newspaper went bilingual (English and French). The mid 90s was a period when, the government tried to revive the ancestral links of the linguistic and culturally divided people of the coastal regions of the French and English-speaking regions of Cameroon. This cynical stratagem was not meant forge national unity. It was meant to elevate a defensive barrier that will protect the regime in both regions. For in both regions, the regime of Paul Biya was vulnerable to the popularity of the opposition, in particular the popularity of the Social Democratic Front (SDF) led by John Fru Ndi. The government succeeded in the French-speaking coastal region and beyond to create and revive ancestral hatred. But in Anglophone Cameroon, the government succeeded to sow the seeds of discords, but with some difficulties. The example of the glaring success of the diabolic scheme of the regime in the English-speaking region was that, for the first time, and that was in the 90s, conflicts between natives and none natives became rampant. And focus of attack were people from both English and French-speaking grass-field regions of Cameroons.

His Royal Highness Chief Gustave Essaka Ekwalla and John Epee Mandengue

2008-07-16T06:22:00.000-07:00

Some have claimed that, it was the paramount chief of Deido who persuaded John Epee Mandengue to establish himself within his chiefdom. But it appears as though John Epee Mandengue did not choose to construct a house within the Deido neighbourhood because of the persuasions of His Royal Highness Chief Gustave Essaka Ekwalla, the traditional leader of Deido natives and Deido neighbourhood. Why would chief Ekwalla have persuaded John Epee Mandengue to come and stay in Deido? It was because of three things, that is, if he ever did: the first reason could have been that, there is an ancestral links that bounds the Mungo people of Anglophone Cameroon and those of Bonaberi and Deido and second, there is also an ancestral love and admiration of native of Douala, for anything English or English-speaking. The anglophile nature of Douala people might have been sparked by the fact that, it was the English who first sign a treaty with Douala chiefs, before the Germans overtook them and Alfred Saker, the English Protestant evangeliser, was the one who brought the Christian Protestant faith in Cameroon. Alfred Saker was also the one who translated the bible from English to Pidgin English and then into the Douala language. And finally, what might have also made Chief Gustave to persuade John to settle in his chiefdom was his wealth. For John Epee Mandengue’s presence, at least demonstrated that, he (chief Ekwalla) a promoter of tribal xenophobia and supporter of the ruling CPDM party, had a native who was rich.

Chief Gustave Essaka Ekwalla could now challenge none natives wealthy business men and women within his chiefdom, who were almost always from the French or English-speaking grass field regions of Cameroon and whose loyalty to the ruling party was not assured. As John Epee Mandengue settled in Douala at the Deido neighbourhood, he started attending meetings of the natives of Douala, who were in support of the ruling party and the head of state Paul Biya. It was also at a time when the opposition Social Democratic Front (SDF), dominated by English-speaking Cameroonians, had strong support and sympathies from natives of the French-speaking grass field region of West province, other wise referred to ethnically as Bamilekes. The Littoral province in general and Douala in particular was largely in support of the opposition. This was not because of the sympathies and ties that exist between the Anglophones, who were and are still the arch rivals of the regime and natives of the West province, who are French-speaking and who also control the economy of the country and are the dominant ethnic group in Douala, but more because, Biya’s rule has ruined the country. Fearing to loose power, Paul Biya hatched out a tribalo-regionalist policy that sparked tribal and ethno-regional xenophobia.

Niat Njifenji Marcel and shrewd John Epee Mandengue

2008-07-14T08:38:00.000-07:00

Mr Niat Njifenji Marcel was a native of the French-speaking Cameroonian grass field region of the West province. He was even accused by the regime of Paul Biya in 1984, to have supported a failed coup attempt, led in majority by members of the Cameroonians Armed Forces who were from the majority Muslim Greater North province. How he absolved himself from such accusation, while a majority of suspects, numbering about 4 thousand men, women and their children were slaughtered by the Biya regime, has remain a mystery. Another surprise remains that, in spited that Mr Niat Njifenji Marcel was suspected by the Biya regime of having sided with coup plotters, he was given the headship of the utility SONEL, a strategic government company. Back to John Epee Mandengue, with all the lucrative contracts that he secured with two important companies of Cameroon, courtesy strategies or connections already mentioned, he became rich and he also developed the appetite for politics that he had in Nigeria but was barred by his wife. But before anything, it must be noted and pointed out that, John Epee Mandengue was a brilliant manager.

Another thing worth pointing out is that, all his directors were Anglophone Cameroonians or were from Anglophone African countries. The head of the Broking Services International agency of the city of Douala was a Ghanaian. The practice by which successful English-speaking Cameroonians, in business or in politics, only trusted people who were from English-speaking Cameroon and the English-speaking world to handle their strategic operations, was another proof that, Cameroon’s song linguistic unity was a farce. Both Cameroonian linguistic communities did not only mistrust or suspected each other; they also mutually despised each other. And John was not different from most English-speaking Cameroonian. He never trusted any French-speaking Cameroonians and he also thought that, English-speaking Cameroonians were more intelligent than French-speaking Cameroonians. Concerning John’s new love, which was politics, he showed once again that, he was shrewd. Instead of building a house in his native Mongo village, located in the Tiko sub division of the South west province, he decided to erect a mansion in the heart of the Deido neighbourhood in Douala.

Home coming of John Epee Mandengue and how he won contracts for Broking Services International

2008-07-13T10:12:00.000-07:00

Mandengue’s return to Cameroon was done with a lot of precautions, for like any other English-speaking Cameroonian, who had left the unified Cameroons for reasons earlier explained; he had strong mistrust for anything French-speaking. He opened his Broking Service subsidiary in Cameroon, but decided to locate the headquarters of Cameroonian business in Victoria (Limbe) and his core business remained in Lagos, Nigeria. The first and legal wife of John Epee Mandengue refused to follow him, when he decided to relocate to Cameroon. But while in Cameroon, Mandengue forgot to heed to the warning of his wife, who had forewarned him to steer clear from Cameroonian or Nigerian politics. While she never wanted to travel to Cameroon with her husband, she had nonetheless informed him that, he was in Cameroon only for business and not for politics.

But John Epee Mandengue ignored the warnings of his wife and above all, forgot that in the Yoruba tradition, where in women wield a lot of power, their premonitions are always very good and also important to respect their advice and words of caution. For whenever venture a woman cast her doubts on, in most cases, it is almost always certain that, it will fail. Women seem to have been gifted by God with a unique quality of clairvoyance. For example, it is claimed that, late Abiola’s wife, late Kudirate, had discouraged her husband from taking part into politics. And it was Abiola’s involvement into politics the primary cause of his premature death and sadly, also that of his wife. While John Epee Mandengue was in Cameroon, he never obeyed the warnings of his wife, he jump straight into politics. He opened as already mentioned a subsidiary of Broking Services International in Cameroon but was headquartered in Victoria and had an agency in Douala, the commercial capital of Cameroon. With the aid of his cousin Peter Mafany Musonge, who was the former Managing Director of Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC) and also former Prime minister, Broking Services International won contracts to insure staff of (CDC), the second employer in Cameroon after the state. CDC employs at least 13 thousand workers. And still with the influence of Peter Mafany Musonge, Broking Services International won contracts to insure a section of staff and materials of the National Electricity Corporation, known in its French acronym as SONEL . At that time, the Managing Director of the state own utility was late Niat Njifenji Marcel.

The secret pact between Aurelian William Eteki Mboumoua and John Epee Mandengue

2008-07-12T00:06:00.000-07:00

Why did some Nigerian politicians, especially those from the north in 1983, decided to trust Mandengue than their fellow Keith and kin, such as the Ibos or the Yorubas? It is claimed that, both Nigerian nationals /tribes are too untrustworthy or are considered by northern Nigerians to be untrustworthy. Hence, there was no way fleeing northern Nigerian politicians could have handed to Ibo or Yoruba businessmen, the colossal sums that they gave to John Epee Mandengue to keep, for it would have been synonymous to giving meat to dogs to keep. As late Nded’a Kombe Francis told me, when the storm ended or to be precise, when the military regime of General Buhari was overthrown and replaced by the corruption-friendly regime of General Badamassi Babaginda, those politicians and businessmen, predominantly of northern Nigerian extraction, who escaped in 1983 because of the ferocious fight against corruption launched by General Buhari, started trickling back home to Nigeria and they rewarded John Mandengue Epee handsomely. It was from the reward that John Epee Mandengue received from Nigerian politicians for laundering their money, which made his insignificant broking company to become Broking Services International. It expanded out Nigeria and had offices in Nigeria and a branch in Ghana. As John Epee Mandengue became rich and prominent, he began making friends with other African politicians and diplomats. One of his most prominent black West Africa friends was Mr Aurelian William Eteki Mboumoua, who was Cameroon’s flamboyant minister of foreign affairs.

Who brought them into contact? I can’t recall late Nded’a Kombe Francis ever telling me the name of the one who broker their friendship. But both men became too close to a point that, John used to pay the rents of Cameroonians missions in Lagos and Calabar and also paid the staff that ran both diplomatic missions. John Epee Mandengue’s services rendered to the state of Cameroon were not for philanthropic or patriotic purposes. Even though John made advance payment for the rents of Cameroon’s diplomatic missions in Lagos and Calabar and also paid staff working in both missions, but via Mr Aurelian William Eteki Mboumoua, minister of foreign affairs, the government of Cameroon paid him back, twice the official amounts he (John) had spent and the excess payments, which was disbursed by the state of Cameroon, was shared between him (John) and Mr Eteki Mboumoua. I suspect, it was the capacity of Cameroon’s former foreign minister to run huge sum of monies and apparently gave no account to the government of Cameroon, which excited John Mandengue’s desire to come and invest in a country that he was despising and never considered actually as his. But when that idea came into his mind, he told his wife and his daughter, who is studying in the US, who was once Miss Black America, they discouraged him, especially when, he floated the idea that, when he goes back to Cameroon, he will get into politics, in order to make quick and big monies.

How John Epee Mandengue made fortune in Nigeria

2008-07-10T07:59:00.000-07:00

But he (Mandengue) preferred to entertain personal and business relationships with Muslim politicians and Army Generals from Northern Nigeria. This alone shows how intelligent and forthright Mandengue was and in 1983, when the democratically elected government of Mr Shagari was overthrown by General Mohamadou Buhari, he was compensated by some Northern politicians and dignitaries. How, it was simply because, it was through Mr John Epee Mandengue’s broking firm called Broking Service International that embezzled funds was expatriated out of the country .However, some corrupt Nigerian politician kept their lots at home in Nigeria by using John Mandengue as cover, especially at the height of the fight against corruption and the war against indiscipline, launched by the head of the junta commandeered by Generals Mohamadou and late Tunde. These two Nigerian military leaders, besides late General Rahamat Muritala Mohammed, are touted as the best leaders Nigeria has ever had, since her independence form the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland in 1960. Why? It is alleged that, they were honest and thus fought against corruption, indiscipline and all sort dishonesty without discrimination. It might explain why, they were overthrown in 1985, by the corrupt duo of Generals Badamassi Babaginda and late Sani Abacha. And when the transition government set by Babaginda failed, late General Abacha overthrew Chief Ernest Shonekon, head of interim government of to become president.

Corruption was rift under the civilian regime of Shehu Othman Shagari, his finance minister Omarou Dicko, is even claimed to have declared that, Nigeria had no problem of money but her only problem was how to use her huge cash. It was therefore because of the flagrant mismanaged in Nigeria at that time, which forced the military to intervene in order to redress the abominable injustices that corruption creates. Most Nigerian politicians escaped to the United Kingdom and other Western countries when General Buhari came to power in 1983. Those who could not escape before the dragnet of the fight against corrupt was cast, were arrested in Lagos and in other major Nigerian cities and regions. The only way those suspected of being member of the strong and close knitted corrupt syndicate of Nigerian politicians and businessmen and women could escape arrest was to justify their source or sources of wealth. Since most could not, they found themselves in jail and even late Abiola had problems with the Nigerian military junta led by General Mohamadou Buhari. Some northern Nigerian businessmen and politicians fearing arrest had only one entity to direct their ill gotten wealth to safety. The safety was John Mandengue Epee, for he was a sure alternative to evade arrest, especially that, he was honest, hard working and above all, had a finance company that dissimulate ill got funds with ease.